1 He was unable to speak from memory of the events of the persecution of 303 (Hist. Ar. 64), but (de Incarn. 56. 2) had been instructed in religion by persons who had suffered as martyrs. This must have been before 311, the date of the last persecution in Egypt under Maximin. Before 319 he had written his first books `against the Gentiles,' the latter of which, on the Incarnation, implies a full maturity of power in the writer, while the former is full of philosophical and mythological knowledge such as argues advanced education. But from several sources we learn that his election to the episcopate in 328 was impugned, at any rate in after years, on the ground of his not having attained the canonical age of thirty. There is no ground for supposing that this was true: but such a charge would not be made without some ground at least of plausibility. We must therefore suppose that on June 8, 328, he was not much beyond his thirtieth year. His parents, moreover, were living after the year 358 (see below, p. 562, note 6); allowing them over fourscore years at that date, we find in 298 a reasonable date for the birth of their son. We must remember that in southern climates mind and body mature somewhat more rapidly than with ourselves, and `contra Gentes' and `de Incarnatione' will scarcely appear precocious.
2 The statements of Greg. Naz. that he frequented classes of grammar and rhetoric is probable enough; that of Sulpitius Severus that he was `juris consultus' lacks corroboration.
3 The actual connection of Athanasius with Antony at this period is implied in the received text of `Vit. Anton.' Prolog., for it could scarcely fall at any later date. At the same time the youthful life of Athanasius seems fully accounted for in such a way as to leave little room for it (so Tillemont). But our ignorance of details leaves it just possible that he may for a time have visited the great hermit and ministered to him as Elisha did of old to Elijah. (Cf. p. 195, note 2.)
4 It is of interest to note the changed conditions. In 260 bishop Dionysius had to check the Monarchian tendency in Libya, and was accused by members of his own flock of separating the Son from the Being (ousia) of the Father. In 319 a Libyan, Atius, cries out upon the Sabellianism of his bishop, and formulates the very doctrine which Dionysius had been accused of maintaining.
5 The chronology cannot be determined with precision. The Memorandum is signed by Colluthus and therefore precedes his schism. The letter to Alex. Byzant. was written after the Colluthian schism had begun. But the proceedings of Eusebius described above had at least begun when the Memorandum was circulated, which must, therefore, have been some time after the Synod of 321. The letter of Alexander to his clergy prefixed to the depositio was drawn up after it. and includes the names of the Mareotic seceders. We may, therefore, tentatively adopt the following series:-321 a.d.: Egyptian Synod deposes Arius. Arius in correspondence with Eusebius, &c Leaves Alexandria for Palestine and Nicomedia. Letters sent abroad by Alexander. Eusebius holds council and writes to Alexander. 322: Memorandum drawn up; Alexandrian clergy assemble to sign it; prefatory address to them by Alexander with reference to the Mareotic defection which has just occurred; circulation of Memorandum; schism, of Colluthus. 323: Letter of Alexander to Alexander of Byzantium; (Sept.) Constantine, master of the East, and ready to intervene in the controversy.
6 So Eus. Vit. Const. iii. 8-over 270, Eustath. in Thdt. i. 8-in fact more than 300 (de Decr. 3), according to Athanasius, who again, toward the end of his life (ad Afr. 2) acquiesces in the precise figure 318 (Gen xiv. 14; the Greek numeral tih combines the Cross with the initial letters of the Sacred Name) which a later generation adopted (it first occurs in the alleged Coptic acts of the Council of Alexandria, 362, then in the Letter of Liberius 'to the bishops of Asia in 365, infr. §9), on grounds perhaps symbolical rather than historical.
7 The name of Secundus appears among the subscriptions (cf. Soz. i. 21) but this is contradicted by the primary evidence (Letter of the Council in Soc. i. 9, Thdt. i. 9); cf. Philost. i. 9, 10. But there is evidence that there were two Secundi.
8 A term first brought into currency in this connection by Mr. Gwatkin (p. 38, note), and since adopted by many writers including Harnack; in spite of the obvious objection to the importations of political terms into the grave questions of this period, the term is too useful to be surrendered, and the `conservatives' of the Post-Nicene reaction were in fact too often political in their methods and spirit. The truly conservative men, here as in other instances, failed to enlist the sympathy of the conservative rank and file.
9 The identity of name has certainly done Eusebius no good with posterity. But no one with a spark of generosity can fail to be moved by the appeal of Socrates (ii. 21) for common fairness toward the dead.
10 Or possibly Theodoret, &c., drew a wrong inference from the words of Eustathius (in Thdt. i. 8), and the gramma was not submitted by Eusebius, but produced as evidence against him; in this case it must have been, as Fleury observes, his letter to Paulinus of Tyre.
11 Hort pp. 138, 139, and 59: the changes well classified by Gwatkin, p. 41, cf. Harnack 2, vol 2, p. 227 The main alterations were (1) The elimination of the word logoj and substitution of uioj in the principal place. This struck at the theology of Eusebius even more directly than at that of Arius. (2) The addition not only of omoousion tw patri, but also of toutestin ek thj ousiaj tou patroj between monogenh and qeon as a further qualification of gennhqenta (specially against Euseb. Nicom.: see his letter in Thdt. i. 6). (3) Further explanation of gennhqenta by g. ou poihqenta, a glance at a favourite argument of Arius, as well as at Asterius. (4) enanqrwphsanta added to explain sarkwqenta, and so to exclude the Christology which characterised Arianism from the first. (5) Addition of anathematisms directed against all the leading Arian doctrines.
12 The events have been related in what seems to be their most likely order, but there is no real certainty in the matter. It is clear that there were at least two public sittings (Soz. i. 17, the language of Eus. V.C. iii. 10, is reconcileable with this) in the emperor's presence, at the first of which the libelli were burned and the bishops requested to examine the question of faith. This was probably. on June 19. The tearing up of the creed of Eus. Nic. seems from the account of Eustathius to have come immediately before the final adoption of a creed. The creed of Eusebius of Caesarea, which was the basis of that finally adopted, must therefore have been propounded after the failure of his namesake. (Montfaucon and others are clearly wrong in supposing that this was the `blasphemy' which was torn to pieces!) The difficulty is, where to put the dramatic scene of whisperings, nods, winks, and evasions which compelled the bishops to apply a drastic test. I think (with Kölling, &c.) that it must have preceded the proposal of Eusebius, upon which the omoousion was quietly insisted on by Constantine; for the latter was the only occasion (profasij) of any modification in the Caesarean Creed, which in itself does not correspond to the tests described infr. p. 163. But Montfaucon and others, followed by Gwatkin, place the scene in question after the proposal of Eus. Caes. and the resolution to modify his creed by the insertion of a stringent test,-in fact at the `pause' of the council before its final resolution, This conflicts with the clear statement of Eusebius that the omoousion was the `thin end of the wedge' which led to the entire recasting of his creed (see infr. p. 73. The idea of Kölling, p. 208, that the creed of Eusebius was drawn up by him for the occasion, and that the maqhmah of the council was ready beforehand as an alternative document, is refuted by the relation of the two documents; see Hort, pp. 138, 139). It follows, therefore, from the combined accounts of Ath., Euseb. and Eustathius (our only eye-witnesses) that (1) the fathers were practically resolved upon the omoousion before the final sitting. (2) That this resolve was clinched by the creed of Eusebius of Nicomedia. (3) That Eusebius of Caesarea made his proposal when it was too late to think of half-measures. (4) That the creed of Eusebius was modified at the Emperor's direction (which presupposes the willingness of the Council). (5) That this revision was immediately followed by the signatures and the close of the council. The work of revision, however, shews such signs of attention to detail that we are almost compelled to assume at least one adjournment of the final sitting. When the other business of the council was transacted, including the settlement of the Easter question, the Meletian schism, and the Canons, it is impossible to say. Kaelling suo jure puts them at the first public session. The question must be left open, as must that of the presidency of the council. The conduct of the proceedings was evidently in the hands of Constantine, so that the question of presidency reduces itself to that of identifying the bishop on Constantine's right who delivered the opening address to the Emperor: this was certainly not Hosius (see Vit. C. iii. 11, and vol. 1 of this series, p. 19), but may have been Eusebius of Caesarea, who probably after a few words from Eustathius (Thdt.) or Alexander (Theod. Mops. and Philost.) was entrusted with so congenial a task. The name of Hosius stands first on the extant list of signatures, and he may have signed first, although the lists are bad witnesses. The words of Athanasius sometimes quoted in this connection (p. 256), `over what synod did he not; preside?' must be read in connection with the distinction made by Theodoret in quoting the passage in question (H.E. ii. 15) that Hosius 'was very prominent at the great synod of Nicae, and presided over those who assembled at Sardica. This is the only evidence we possess to which any weight can be attached.
13 It is worth noting that the Nicene arrangement was successful in some few cases. See Index to this vol. s.v. Theon (of Nilopolis), &c.
14 While yet the distinction between the `presence' and `existence' of God in Christ (Newman, Ar. 4. p. 123) is very delicate: both ideas are covered by `Dasein'. The two forms of Monarchianism are related exactly as the Catholic doctrine of the Trinity is to the Nestorian.
15 Our authorities are Hippolytus Philosophum., TertullianAgainst Praxeas, and the early fragment `against heresies' printed in Tertullian's works. The statements of Tertullian and Hippolytus agree remarkably, though obviously independent. The first (modalist) Monarchian teacher in Rome was Praxeas (Tert.) from Asia, who was followed by the pupils of Noetus, also an Asiatic (Hippol.), Epigonus (Renan Marc-Aurèle 230, note, identifies `Praxeas' with Epigonus; I cannot undertake to pronounce upon the point, but see Harnack, Dogmg. 11. p. 608) and Cleomenes. Praxeas arrived in Rome under Victor (or earlier, Harnack, p. 610), and combined strong opposition to Montanism, with equally strong modalism in his theology. In both respects his influence told upon the heads of the Church. Montanism was expelled, Modalism tolerated, Theodotus excommunicated; `Duo negotia diaboli Praxeas Romae procuravit: prophetiam expulit et haeresin intulit: Paracletum fugavit et Patrein crucifixit'. (Tert.) `Praxeas haeresin introduxit quam Victor[inus] (perhaps a confusion with Zephyrinus) corroborate curavit' (`Tertullian' adv. Haer.)
16 This point is still in debate. Against it, see Lightfoot, S. Clement of Rome (ed. 1890), for it, Döllinger Hipp. and Call., and Neumann, Der Röm. Staat u. d. Allg. Kirche (Leipz. 1890).
17 But only at Aquileia was the rule of faith adapted by the insertion of impassibilis.
18 See Hewman's note Ar. p. 186, where the additions in brackets seriously modify his statement in the text. Also cf. infr. ch. iv. §3, and Bigg, p. 179, note 2.
19 Cels. iii. 34, cf. Alexander's mesiteuousa fusij monogenhj. But observe that the passage insisted on by Shedd, 294, etepoj kat= ousian kai upokeimenon o uioj tou patroj, does not bear the sense he extracts from it. ousia here is not `essence' but `hypostasis'.
20 The formula ktisma o uioj is ascribed to Origen by the anti-Chalcedonists of the sixth century, but is probably a `consequenz-macherei' from the above; see Caspari Alte v. N. Quellen, p. 60, note. But ktisma was sometimes applied to the Son in a vague sense, on the ground of Prov. viii. 22, a text not used in this way by Origen.
21 Compare the strong Origenist rejection of Chiliasm, the spiritualism of Origen as contrasted with the realism of Asia Minor, the Asiatic origin of Roman Monarchianism, of Montanism.
22 The position of Eusebius of Caesarea is at the `extreme left' of the Origenist body. (`A reflex of the unsolved problems of the Church of that time,' Dorner.) It is as though Dionysius instead of withdrawing and modifying his incriminated statements, had involved them in a haze of explanations and biblical phrases which left them where they were. But this is not so much Arianism as confusion. `All is hollow and empty, precarious and ambiguous. With a vast apparatus of biblical expressions and the use of every possible formula, Monotheism is indeed maintained, but practically a created subordinate God is inserted between God and mankind' (Harnack, p. 648). See also Dorner, Lehre der Pers. Chr. Pt. 1, pp. 793-798. The language quoted by Ath. below, p. 459, was doubtless meant by Eusebius in an Origenist sense.
23 The theological genesis of Paul's system is obscure. The theory of Newman that he was under strong Jewish influences is largely based upon the late and apparently quite erroneous tradition that his patroness Zenobia was a Jewess; see p. 296, note 9a, and Gwatkin, p. 57, and note 3. Harnack regards him as the representative of `archaic' East-Syrian adoptionism such as pervades the `Discussion of Archelaus with Manes;' see Routh, Rell. v. especially pp. 178-184. But Paul would not have spoken of Mary as `Dei Genetrix,' p. 128; I cannot see more in these `Acta' than a naive adoptionism homologous to the `naive modalism' of much early Christian language, but like it not representative of the entire view of those who use it; we must also note that the statements of `Archelaus' are coloured by reaction against the docetism of `Manes;' but Paul may well have taken up this naive adoptionism, and, by srict Aristotelian logic, developed it as the exclusive basis of his system. Whether Paul's use of the idea of the Logos betrays the faintest influence of Origen is to me, at least, extremely uncertain.
24 aposunagwgoj emeinen, Alex. Alexand. in Thdt.; the objections of Gwatkin, p. 18, note, are generously meant rather than convincing: the `creed of Lucian' is not usable without discrimination for Lucian's position: see discussion by Caspari A.u.N.Q. p. 42, note.
25 It was pointed out clearly by Newman, Arians, pp. 8, 403, but with an eagerly drawn inference to the discredit of the later Antiochene School and of the genuine principles of exegesis as recognised at the present day by Protestants and Catholics alike (see Wetzer und Welte-Kaulen, Kirchen-Lexicon, i. 953 sqq., iv. 1116, and Patrizzi as abridged in Cornel. a Lap. in Apoc. ed. Par. 1859, pp. xvi. sqq. The Lucianic origin of Arianism was denied by Gwatkin in his Studies, but the denial is tacitly withdrawn in his Arian Controversy. Harnack, Dogmgesch. i???1. 598, ii2. 183 sqq. must, I think, convince any open mind of the fact. Consult his article on Lucian in Herzog???2. viii. 767 (the best investigation), also Neander H.E. ii. 198, iv. 108; Möller K.G. i. 226, D.C.B. iii. 748; Kölling, vol. 1, pp. 27-31, who makes the mistake of taking the `Lucianic creed' as his point of departure.
26 This is ascribed to Lucian by Epiph. Ancor. 33, and there is no reason whatever to doubt it. The tenet was part of the Arian system from the first, and was attacked already by Eustathius, Fragm. apud Thdt. Dial. iii., but often overlooked, e.g. even by Athanasius in his writings before 362, but see p. 352, note 5. It came to the front in the system of Eunomius, and was much discussed in the last decade of the life of S. Athan. The system of Apollinaris was different. (See pp. 570, note 1, 575, note 1.)
27 This is ascribed to Lucian by Epiph. Ancor. 33, and there is no reason whatever to doubt it. The tenet was part of the Arian system from the first, and was attacked already by Eustathius, Fragm. apud Thdt. Dial. iii., but often overlooked, e.g. even by Athanasius in his writings before 362, but see p. 352, note 5. It came to the front in the system of Eunomius, and was much discussed in the last decade of the life of S. Athan. The system of Apollinaris was different. (See pp. 570, note 1, 575, note 1.)
28 aparallakton eikona, which an Arian would be prepared to admit as the result of the prokoph. (See below, §6, on the Creeds of 341). I cannot regard Asterius as a `'semi-Arian;' the only grounds for it are the above phrase and the statement (Lib. Syn.) that he attended the Council of 341 with the Conservative Dianius. But Asterius was as ready to compromise with conservatism as he had formerly been with heathenism, and his anxiety for a bishopric would carry him to even greater lengths in order to attend a council under influential patronage.
29 The letter of Alexander to his namesake of Byzantium in Thdt. i. 4, cannot be exempted from this generalisation
30 They appear to have comprised the Arian appeal to Scripture of which (considering the Biblical learning of Lucian and what we hear of the training of Aetius, to say nothing of the exegetical chair held by Arius at Alxa.) their use must be pronounced meagre and superficial. In the O.T. they harped upon three texts, Deut. vi. 4 (Monotheism), Ps. xlv. 8 (Adoptionism), and Prov. viii. 22, LXX. (the Word a Creature). In the N.T. they appeal for Monotheism (in their sense) to Luke xviii. 19, John xvii. 3; The Son a Creature, Acts ii. 36, 1 Cor. i. 24, Col. i. 15, Heb. iii. 2; Adoptionism, Matt. xii. 28; prokoph, Luke ii. 52; also Matt. xxvi. 41, Phil. ii. 6, sq., Heb. i. 4; The Son treptoj, &c., Mark xiii. 32, John xiii. 31, John xi. 34; inferior to the Father, John xiv. 48, Matt. xxvii. 46, also Matt. xi. 27 a, Matt. xxvi. 39, Matt. xxviii. 18, John xii. 27, and 1 Cor. xv. 28 (cf. pp. 407, sq.). In this respect Origen is immeasurably superior.
31 They are regarded by Athan., a generation after they were written, as the representative statement of `the case' for Arianism (pp. 459 sq.; 324 sqq., 361, 363, 368, &c., from which passages and Eus. c. Marcell. a fragmentary restoration might be attempted). For what is known of his history (not in D.C.B.) see Gwatkin, p. 72, note; for his doctrinal position see above, p. xxviii.
32 A theology which aims at consistency most borrow a method, a philosophy, from outside the sphere of religion. The most developed system of Catholic theology, that of S. Thomas Aquinas, borrows its method from the same source as did Arius,-Aristotle.
33 This illustrates the famous paradox of Cardinal Newman (Development, ed. 1878, pp. 142-4), that the condemnation of Arian Christology left vacant a throne in heaven which the medieval Church legitimately filled with the Blessed Virgin; that the Nicene condemnation of the Arian theology is the vindication of the medieval; that `the rotaries of Mary do not exceed the true faith, unless the blasphemers of her Son come up to it.' But the qestion here was one of worship, not of theology. The Arians worshipped Christ, whom they regarded as a created being: therefore, the Nicene fathers urge with one consent, they were idolaters. The idea of a created being capable of being worshipped was as Arian legacy to the Church, no doubt. But this very idea, to Athanasius and Hilary, marked them out as idolaters. It was reserved for later times `to find a subject for an Arian predicate' (Mozley). The argument is an astonishing admission.
34 The enormous literature of the subject is partly given by Harnack, ii. p. 182, Schaff, Nicene Christ. §§119, 120. The student will find great help from Bigg, Bampt. Lect. pp. 179, note 163-165, Gwatkin, Studies, p. 42, sqq.; Newman's Arians 4, pp. 185 to 193, and his notes and excursus embodied in this volume, especially that appended to Epist. Euseb. p. 77; Zahn's Marcellus, pp. 11-27 (also p. 87), perhaps the best modern discussion; Harnack ii. pp. 228-230, and note 31; Loofs §§32-34; Shedd i. 362-37a; and the Introduction to the Tomus and ad Afros in this volume pp. 482, 488. The use of ousia in Aristotle is tabulated by Bonitz in the fifth volume (index) to the Berlin edition: its use in Plato is less frequent and less technical, but see the brief account in Liddell and Scott.
35 Gregory Thaumaturgus was the great Origenist influence in northern Asia Minor: the Cappadocian fathers were also influenced in the direction of the omoousion by Apollinarius: see the correspondence between Basil and the latter Bas. Epp. 8, 9, edited by Dräseke in Ztschr. für K.G. viii. 85 sqq. Apollinarius was of course equally opposed to Arianism and to Origen: see also p. 449 sq.
36 They were probably not yet bishops at this time, as they were young bishops at Tyre in 335; evidently they are `the fairest of God's youthful flock' (!) alluded to in Eus. V.C. iv. 43.
37 At the same time Arius himself and all his fellow Lucianists (unlike the obscure Secundus and Theonas, and the later generation of Eunomians) are open to the charge of subserviency at a pinch.
38 Alexander of Thessalonica had been at Nicaea, Dianius of Caes. Capp. had not. The two are typical of the better sort of conservatives.
39 For Asia besides Marcellus we have only Diodorus of Tenedos, not at Nicaea, but expelled soon after 330, p. 271; signs at Sardica, p. 147, banished again p. 276, not in D.C.B.; for Syria the names p. 271, cf. p. 256.
40 Always an important factor in the stability of the Byzantine throne, see, on Justinian, D.C.B. iii. 545a, sub fin. Newman, Arians, Appendix v., brings no conclusive proof of strong Nicene feeling among the masses of the laity in this region. But `the people' in Galatia, according to Basil, remained devoted to Marcellus.
41 At the same time he adopts a certain reserve in speaking of Marcellus, and his name is absent from the roll of the orthodox, p. 227.
42 But he is condemned by name in the alleged Coptic Acts of the Council of 362; moreover Eustathius appears to have written against him, see Cowper, Syr. Misc. 60.
43 Eager opposition, however, was not lacking. The accounts are confused, but the statement of the bishops leaves room for a strong minority of malcontents, who may have elected `Theonas' (was he the exiled Arian bishop of Marmarica? the electors of `Theonas' in Epiph. Haer. 68 are Meletians, but there is no Theonas in the Meletian catalogue of 327; the Arians and Meletians very likely combined; the latter properly had no votes, but they were not likely to regard this; see Gwatkin, p. 66, note, Church Quarterly Review. xvi. p. 393). The protests of the poposition were apparently disregarded and Athanasius consecrated before the other side considered the question as closed, (The statement of Epiph. Haer. 69, that the Arians chose one Achillas, is unsupported.) Athanasius was probably only just thirty years old, and his opponents did not fail to question whether he were not under the canonical age.
44 Soz. ii. 21, 22: the account is not very clear; probably there was a gradual approximation, the first step being the Meletian support of the Arian Theonas against Athanasius in 328, if the view suggested above is correct.
45 Fest. Ind. iii. The Index is of course right in giving 330-331 as the year of his departure for Nicomedia, but makes a slip in assigning his absence as the cause of delay in the despatch of the Letter for that year instead of for the following one. See p. 512 note 1.
46 Who perhaps visited Tyre himself at this time, according to an allusion in Hist. Aceph. xii., see Sievers, Einl. p. 131.
47 The conduct of Constantine will appear fairly consistent if we suppose that after ordering the investigation at Antioch, supr. (332?) he received proofs (333) of the falsehood of the Arsenius story, but that, finding that the complaints were constantly renewed, and that Ath. refused to meet his accusers at Caesarea, he yielded to the suggestion (Eus. Nic. ?) that the assembly of so many bishops at Jerusalem might be a valuable opportunity for finally dealing with so troublesome a matter. He desired peace, and had not lost his faith in councils. Hefele follows Socrates i. 29, in his error as to the date of the discovery of Arsenius (E. Tr. ii. 21).
48 p. 107: Euseb. V.C. iv. 43, calls them `the fairest of God's youthful flock.' The Council of Sardica in 343 describes them as `ungodly and foolish youths,' Hil. Frag. ii., cf. pp. 120, 122.
49 Soz. ii. 25. But Callinicus was a Meletian all along: pp. 132, 137, 517.
50 The Greek Church still commemorates this Festival on Sep. 13; the Chron. Pasch. gives Sep. 17 for the Dedication. But if the Mareotic Commissioners returned to Tyre, as they certainly did (Soz. l.c.), these dates are untrustworthy.
51 The philosopher Sopater had been put to death on a similar charge a few years before, D.C.B. i. 631.
52 The courier Palladius, who was considered a marvel, could carry a message from Nisibis to CP. on horseback in three days, about 250 miles a day, Socr. vii. 19. At 100 miles a day, i.e. eight miles an hour for 12 1/2 hours out of the 24, the 1,300 miles from Nicomedia to Treveri would be easily covered by a horseman in the time specified; see Gibbon quoted p. 115, note 1, and for other examples, Gwatkin, p. 137.
53 This date is certain (Gwatk., 108, note), but the meeting at Sirmium may possibly fall in the following summer.
54 As he had previously referred the Donatist schism to the commission of Rome and the Council of Arles.
55 But they complain, p. 104, §8, of coercion not of Erastianism.
56 The ordinary time for the entry of the Prefect upon his duties seems to have been about the end of the Egyptian Year (end of August). Accordingly the prefectures and years in Fest. Ind. roughly correspond: Philagrius was already Prefect when the Mareotic Commission arrived (Aug. 335). According to the headings to the Festal Letters vi., vii., he had superseded Paternus in 334: either the Index or the headings are mistaken. For the popularity of Philagrius, see Greg. Naz. Orat. xxi. 28, who mentions that his reappointment was due to the request of a deputation from Alex. (this must have come from the Arians!) and that the rejoicings which welcomed his return exceeded any that could have greeted the Emperor, and nearly equalled those which had welcomed the return of Athanasius himself. But Gregory is a rhetorician; see p. 138, and Tillem. viii. 664.
57 It is possible, however, that these carried a second letter, after the arrival of Ath. See pp. 110, 273.
58 Gregory shewed his Arianism by employing Ammon as his secretary, see p. 96. The curious parallelism between Gregory and George (infr. §8),-the names differing (in Latin) by a single letter only, both Arians, both Cappadocians, both intruded bishops of Alexandria, both arriving from court, both arriving in Lent, both exercising violence, both charged by Ath. with the storming of churches, with similar scenes of desecration, maltreatment of virgins, &c., in either case,-is one of the strangest examples of history repeating itself within a few years. What wonder that the fifth-century historians confuse the two still further together, and that they still find followers? The most important point of confusion is the alleged murder of Gregory (due to Theodoret), who really died a natural death. It is none too soon for this time-honoured blunder to do the like. On the inveterate tendency of Georges and Gregories to coalesce, and exchange names in transcription (to say nothing of modern typography), see D.C.B. ii. pp. 640-650, 778 sq., 798 sq., passim.
59 In some church other than `Theonas,' probably `Quirinus,' which latter, however, was stormed on Easter Day, pp. 273, 95, note 3. The statement, Hist. Ar. 10, that he sailed for Rome before Gregory's arrival is in any case verbally inexact, but it may refer to his flight from `Theonas.'
60 Bitter complaint in Hil. Fragm. iii. 27; cf. infr. p. 462, Soz. iii. 10, who wrongly gives `Italy' as the place.
61 This may have been in the autumn, after the close of the campaign, but see infr. ch. v. §3, c, d
62 Hefele i. 91, is singular in placing it in the empire of Constantius. The Ichtiman range between Sophia and Philippopolis was the natural boundary between Thrace and Moesia, or `Dacia. Media.'
63 On the one hand the deputation after the council reached Constantius at Antioch about Easter (April 15), 344. They were, however sent not directly by the Council, but by Constans after its close (Thdt. ii. 8). We may be certain that their arrival at Antioch was at the very least two months after the close of the council; but in all probability the interval was much longer. Again, the course of events described above forbids us to put the council earlier than the early summer of 343. But according to the Festal Index xv. the council at any rate began before the end of August in that year. If the bishops left their churches after Easter (a very natural and usual arrangement, compare Nicaea, the Dedication, &c.), they could easily assemble by the end of June. The Orientals came somewhat later. The beginning of July is accordingly our terminus a quo, the end of January our terminus ad quem. What exact part of the interval the council occupied we cannot decide.
64 The statement in the synodal letter of Philippolis that Asclepas had been deposed `seventeen' years before is clearly corrupt. The true reading may be `seven' (council of CP. in 336) or xiii, which might easily be changed to xvii. (Cf. Hefele, pp. 89, 90).
65 The `ten months' of Hist. Ar. 21, p. 277, are to be reckoned, not from Easter 344, but from the letters of Const. to Alexandria some months after.
66 It must be observed that the Index is loose in its statement here: see Gwatkin, p. 105, Sievers, p. 108. The statement of Thdt., &c., that he was murdered is simply due to the usual confusion of Gregory with George (cf. p. xliii. note 5).
67 This visit cannot have been between May 7 and Aug. 27, when Const. was at CP. Nor can it well have been before May 7. We must, therefore, with Sievers, p. 110, put it in September. Yet see Gwatkin, p. 127, note.
69 In de Sent. Dion. 23, 24, Arius is spoken of in a way consistent with his being still alive. But the phase of the Arian controversy to which the tract relates begins a decade after Arius' death, and we therefore follow the indications which class the de Sent. with the de Decr.
70 All the following dates are affected by Leap-Year, 355-6, see Table C, p. 501, and correct p. 246, note 3, to Jan. 6.
71 Definite information came only after Feb. 8, see p. 248.
72 The envoys of Magnentius had come from Italy through Libya in 350-351. The `desert' (Apol. Const. 27, 32) must be the region between Alxa. and Cyrenaica, not Palestine as Tillem. viii. 186, infers from Ep. Aeg. 5. There is no evidence that Ath. left his province during this exile, and Palestine was a most dangerous territory to venture into. The cautious vagueness of his language, Ep. Aeg. 5, while it baffles even our curiosity, yet favours the hypothesis that the events referred to belong to the Egyptian persecution.
73 This date, coming from the common source of the Historia Acephala and Festal Index (i.e. from the accredited Alexandrian chronology of the period), must be accepted unless there is cogent proof of its incorrectness. No such proof is offered: we have no positive statement to the contrary, but only (1) the fact that the intrusion of George is related, Apol. Fug. 6, immediately after an attack on the great church, possibly the coup de main of Syrianus, but more probably that of p. 290, note 9, without any hint of a long interval. This is true, and if there were no evidence the other way might justify a guess that George came in Lent, 356; but no one would claim that the passage is conclusive by itself; (2) the `improbability' of George delaying his arrival so long. Improbability is a relative term; we know too little of George's consecration or movements to justify its use in the present connection. All the evidence goes to shew that the court party were far from sanguine as to the nature of his reception, and that their misgivings were well-founded. The above considerations look very small when we compare them with the mass of positive evidence the other way. (1.) The civil Governor had changed: Maximus held the post on Feb. 8, 356 (Hist. Ar. 81, &c.), Cataphronius when the churches were transferred to the party of George, see below, 6. (2.) The military Commander had changed: Syrianus was replaced by Sebastian, who appears just after the transfer of churches, Hist. Ar. 55-60 (Dr. Bright in D.C.B. i. 194, note, seems to admit that Sebastian belongs to a later date than the Lent of 356). (3.) The Wednesday (and Thursday) of Hist. Ar. 55 were not `in Lent.' They suit the data of Hist. Aceph. perfectly well. (4.) Had George arrived before Easter 356, Athan. would have heard of it `in the Desert,' Apol. Const. 27; but he has only heard of his nomination wnomasqh 28, probably from the letters given in §§30, 31). (5.) The Letter to the Egyptian bishops was written from Libya or Cyrenaica, when the coercion of the episcopate had begun: it postulates some time since his expulsion, but George was then (§7) only in contemplation. (6.) There is no evidence that the coup de main of Syrianus was other than unpopular in the city. This was reported to Const., who after the (Easter) outrages on the Virgins (Ap. Const. 27; Hist. Ar. 48), and after the expulsion of the sixteen bishops (Hist. Ar. 54, this was probably about Easter, Ap. Const. 27) sent Heraclius (with the `discreditable' letter), in whose company (Hist. Ar. 55) the new Prefect Cataphronius first appears. This let loose the refuse of the heathen population as described, ib. 55-60. (7.) Hare the precise statement of the Hist. Aceph. fits in exactly. The Presbyters and people of Ath. remained in possession of the Churches until the arrival of the new Prefect, with Count Heraclius, on June 10. (8.) Heraclius is expressly called the precursor of George (p. 288) and is evidently sent to disarm the reported hostility of the (even heathen) public to the appointment. It may be added that if we are to take `probabilities' into account, it is easier to imagine a reason for a court nominee like George having been slow to take up a dangerous post, than for the Alexandrian chronologists of the day having invented a year's interval when none had existed. Montfaucon had already noticed that `a good deal must have happened' between the irruption of Syrianus and the entry of George. The data of Athanasius are for the first time clearly explained by the light thrown on them by the chroniclers. I should also have urged the fact that the commemoration of George's Pentecost Martyrs on May 21 in the Roman Martyrology suits 357 and not 356, had I succeeded in tracing the history of the entry, which has, however, so far eluded my efforts.
74 We are quite in the dark as to when, and by whom, George was consecrated bishop. The statement of Sozomen iv. 8, that he was ordained by a council of thirty bishops at Antioch, including Theodore of Heraclea, who had died before the exile of Liberius in 355 (Thdt. H.E. ii. 16, p. 93. 13), is involved in too hopeless a tangle of anachronisms to be of any value for our enquiry. But that George was ordained in Antioch is in itself likely enough, and if so, his ordination would probably follow close upon the expulsion of Athanasius. But the repeated assurances of Ath. that George came from court would imply that after his ordination George went to Italy. That at once puts his arrival in Alxa. in Lent 356 out of the question.
75 The statements of Ath. as to George are made at secondhand, and must be taken cum grano. He is `notoriously wealthy,' yet `hired' by the Arians. (Cf. p. 249; but apparently he combined wealth and avarice.) That he was `a heathen' is certainly untrue. His `ignorance' is equally so: we know that he was a well-read man and possessed a remarkably good library (D.C.B. ii. 638). That he had `the temper of a hangman' (p. 227) is in keeping with all that we know of him, and as to his general character, the statements of Athanasius and other churchmen are not stronger than Amm. Marcell. XXII. xi. 4 (cf. Gibbon, iii. 171 sqq., ed. Smith, but correct his jeu d'esprit on `S. George and the Dragon' by Bright, in D.C.B. ubi supra; yet see Stanley, Eastern Church, Lect. vii. III..).
76 p. 497. George was at Sirmium in the Spring of 359 (Soz. (v. 16). Paul Catena came to Alxa. from a similar commission at Scythopolis. He was apparently aided in both places by Modestus the Comes Orientis. From Liban. Ep. 205, we gather, to the credit of George, that he was the intermediary of requests for mitigation or some of the sentences. He was at this time at Antioch, from whence also `Ex Comitatu Principis,' Amm. XXII. xi., he returned to Alxa. in 361, evidently before he had heard of the Emperor's death. (Sievers, pp. 138 sq.)
77 We Cannot fix the date when this word was first adopted as a shibboleth. It occurs, but not conspicuously, in the `Macrostich' of 344, but not in any other creed till the `dated' symbol of 359. But if (as Krüger, Lucif, p. 42, note, assumes) the omoiousion was adopted as a protest against the bald omoion, the latter must have been current long before 357, when the former was proscribed. I incline to regard the omoion (as a test word) as a later rival to the omoiousion.
78 Apparently it began with the quarrel over the election to the bishopric of Antioch, which Eudoxius managed to seize after the death of Leontius. George was aggrieved at his rights as an elector being ignored, and may have had hopes of the see for himself. See Soz. iv. 13; but Philost. iv. 5 with much less likelihood puts this down to Basil.
79 The discussions, reported with every appearance of substantial accuracy by Thdt. ii. 27, may have taken place at this time, or at the council of the succeeding month (Thdt. fails to distinguish the two meetings). Gwatkin, p. 180, appears to be right in adopting the former alternative, viz. that the party of Basil prudently abstained from attending a council in which they would be overpowered: cf. Soz. iv. 24, who however contradicts himself in the next chapter, sub fin. But the case is not quite clear.
80 He always used amanuenses, but we have no evidence that he entrusted them with actual composition, p. 242.
81 He states (1) That a rigorist party in the council were at first opposed to all conciliatory measures; this is highly probable, see Hieron. adv. Lucif. 20; (2) that former active Arians were to be admitted to lay communion only; this is not unlikely; (3) by implication, that Eusebius and Lucifer went first to Antioch, and agreed to take no step till after the Council which Eus. was to attend in person, and Luc. by deputy, at Alxa., but that Luc. broke his promise. This may contain a grain of truth, i.e. that Lucifer promised to do nothing before he heard from Alxa., but Eusebius can scarcely have gone to Antioch. I owe these notices to the excellent analysis of our sources of information in Krüger, Lucif. p. 46 sq.; but he makes an odd slip, p. 48, in saying that Soz. `schweigt von der Synode zu Alex. uberhaupt.'
82 This is placed later in 363 by Dr. Bright, D.C.B. i. 199, on the ground of a statement of Epiphanius, Haer. 77. 20, which, however, is not quite decisive on the point.
83 Krüger, in Theol. Litzg. 1890, p. 620 sqq., fixes the death of Theodore for Easter 363, on the ground, as I venture to think, of a date (345) for the death of Pachomius too early by one year. The question is too intricate to discuss here, but with all deference to so competent a critic, I am confident that Theodore lived till at any rate the following Easter. See infr. p. 569, note 3.
84 This is certainly true of men like Athanasius of Ancyra, Eusebius of Samosata, Pelagius of Laodicea, Titus of Bostra, &c.
85 The tract de Hypocrisi Meletii et Eusebii printed among the `dubious' works of Athanasius may well express the sentiments of some of his friends of the party of Paulinus on this occasion. Tillem. viii. 708.
86 So Hist. Aceph., Fest. Ind. Socrates iv. 13 says he hid four months `in his Father's tomb.' Soz. vi. 12, mentions the story, but finding it contradicted by the Hist. Aceph., adopts the vague compromise eij ti xwrion ekrupteto. The `New River' divided Alexandria from its Western suburbs.
87 For the best treatment of the document, see Zahn, p, 95. I am quite unable to follow the theory advanced in D. C. B. iii 812; least of all the writer's suggestion that Athanasius was `egregiously duped' (!) by Marcellus.
88 Fest. Ind. xlv. The Hist. Aceph. give May 3; probably he died after midnight; but May 2 is kept as his feast by the Copts and by the Western Church.
89 Of his personal appearance little is known. Gregory Naz. praises his beauty of expression, Julian sneers at his small stature. Later tradition adds a slight stoop, a hooked nose and small mouth, short beard spreading into large whiskers, and light auburn hair, (See Stanley ubi supr).
90 To begin with, we have the interesting fact that Alexander studied the writings of Melito of Sardis, and even worked up his tract peri yuxhj kai swmatoj eij to paqoj into a homiletical discourse of his own, omitting such passages as seemed to savour of `modalism,' (see Krüger in Zeitschr. f. wiss. Theol. 1888, p. 434, sqq.: his grounds are convincing). Secondly, the expressions attributed to him by Arius (in his letter to Euseb. Nic.), and his letter to his namesake of Byzantium, bear out the above statement.
91 The reader is requested to supplement the necessarily very slender treatment of the Athanasian theology in this chapter by referring to the General Index to this volume, as well as to the Index of Texts, for guidance to the passages of Athanasius which are needed to check, fill out, and qualify what is here presented only in broad outline.
92 The above is strikingly illustrated by the discussion (pp. 381-383) of prwtotokoj pashj ktisewj (Col. i. 15). At first sight Ath. appears to contradict himself, explaining prwtotokoj as he does first solely of the Saviour as Incarnate, and then of the cosmic and creative function of the Word. But closer examination brings out his view of creation itself (p. 383) as an act of Grace, demanding not (as the current Eastern theology held, in common with Arius) the mediation of a subordinate Creator, but an act of absolutely Divine condescension analogous to, and anticipatory of, the Incarnation. The apparently disturbing persistence in the argument of the cosmological explanation of prwtotokoj is really therefore due to a subtle change in it, by virtue of which it comes into relation with the Soteriological idea,-which is the pivot of the entire anti-Arian position of Athanasius on this question,-and with the ultimate scheme in which (cf. Rom. viii.) the effects of the Incarnation are to embrace the whole creation. Because creation as such involves the promise of adoption, and tends to deification as its goal, the Son is prwtotokoj in the region of Grace and of Creation alike.
93 On the subject of §2, see also Pell. Lehre des h. Athan. and Shedd ii. pp. 37, sqq., 237, sqq. The former demonstrates his full accord with modern Roman Catholic teaching, the latter, his exact harmony with the modern Protestant view of the doctrine. It is at least a tribute to the greatness of Athan. that advocates of all sides are so eager to claim him.
94 Athanasius is not always innocent of the method of which he complains; e.g. when he uses Isa. i. 11, plhrhj eimi, as a proof of the Divine Perfection.
95 The idea, of a mysterious unwritten tradition is a legacy ot Gnosticism to the Church. Irenaeus, in order to meet the Gnostic appeal to a supposed unwritten Apostolic tradition, confronts it with the consistency of the public and normal teaching of the Churches everywhere, of which the Roman Church is a convenient microcosm or compendium. The idea of a paradosij agrafoj is adopted by Clement and Origen, and passes from the latter to Eusebius, and to the Cappadocian Fathers (Basil de Sp. S. 27, applies it only to practical details), Epiphanius, and later writers. Details in Harnack ii. 90, note, cf. Salmon, Infallibility, Lect. ix. On the somewhat different subject of the `Disciplina Arcani,' see Herzog-Plitt. s.v. `Arkan-Disciplia'
96 What is conspicuously true of the Second General Council is in reality not less true of the First. Its high authority to later ages is due not to its formal character as a council, but to the character of its work; the consent of the Church, and that not readily given, but as the result of a long process of searching and sifting, has given to it its `irreformable' authority. Its authority is expressly put on a par with that of the Antiochene Synod of c. 269, by Ath. de Syn. 43 (consult the whole discussion, pp. 473, 475, &c.). Short of a council which should include every bishop of the entire Church, in unanimous agreement,-an impossible contingency,-the claims of any given council to be truly ecumenical are relative, not absolute; and no consistent theory is possible of the conditions under which a council could by virtue of its constitution claim infallibility for its decisions. The supposed infallibility of general councils lies in reality outside them, in the authority which sanctions and consecrates their decisions. According to the precedent of Nicaea this is the Church `diffusive' (cf. p. 489, and Pusey, Councils, p. 225, sq.), and such consent, again, must necessarily be partial and relative. If a more tangible and expeditious theory is wanted, we have it in the Roman system, according to which a council is infallible if ratified by the Pope. This at once puts all such councils, whether local or general, on one level, and affords a ready criterion. In other words, the only consistent (mechanical) theory of the infallibility of councils is one which makes councils superfluous. If such a theory had been known to the Church in the age of councils, the councils would not have been held.
97 The doctrine of Athanasius is, not formally but none the less really, the doctrine of Chalcedon, which again stands or falls together with that of Nicaea. Like the latter, it transcends the power of human thought to do more than state it in terms which exclude the (Nestorian and Monophysite) alternatives. The Man Jesus Christ is held to have lacked nothing that constitutes personality in man; the human personality which therefore belongs to it ideally, being in fact merged in the Divine personality of the Son. The `impersonality,' as it is sometimes called, of Christ qua man is therefore better spoken of as His Divine Personality. Personality and will are correlated but not identical ideas.
98 The candid, but friendly, and often just, criticisms on Mr. Gwatkin's book do not concern us here. But the Reviewer's chronological strictures are his weakest point: he uses his texts without criticism, and falls far short of Mr. Gwatkin's standard of searching historical method.
99 E.g. that he died five months after his return home from the council (Tillem.), or after the reconciliation of Meletius (Montf.). As neither event is dated, both hypotheses render the `five months' useless for chronology.
100 The above resumé of the details of the evidence makes it clear that Mr. Gwatkin's alleged oversights are in reality those of his critic. The proposal of the latter to correct `Epiph.' in Fest. Ind. to `Pharmuthi' is especially gratuitous.
1 In heathen countries the case is different. An English translation was made a few years since for dissemination in India by the members of the Oxford Mission at Calcutta.
1 See de Incarn. 1 and note there.
2 Constantly insisted on by Athan. Cf. de Incarn. 5, and note on de Decr. 32.
3 De Incarn. 56. 2; he may also be referring to works from the Alex. school, such as Orig. de Princ.
4 Cf. de Incarn. 47. 2, 48. 3, Vit. Ant. passim.
5 Cf. de Incarn. 50. 3, 51. 3, &c.
6 See Orig. C. Cels. vii. 42 sqq. de Princ. I. 1.
7 Restored in Christ, see §34.
8 Cf. Ep. Aeg. 15, Apol. Fug. passim, Orat. iii. 37.
11 Cf. Plato Phaedrus 246 C, 248 A, 253 E, 254.
18 For the following chapters Döllinger, `The Gentile and the Jew,', is a rich mine of illustration. The recently published `Manual of the History of Religions,' by Prof. Chaptepie de la Saussaye (Eng. Tra. pub. by Longmans), summarises the best results of recent research.
20 Constantine was the last Emperor officially deified (D.C.B., I. 649), but even Theodosius is raised to heaven by the courtly Claudian Carm. de III Cons. Honor. 163 sqq.; cf. Gwatkin, p. 54, note.
21 This is probably a reference to the iera anagrafh of Euhemerus, which Christian apologists commonly took as genuine history: see §12, note 1.
22 Cf. de la Saussaye, §51. Isis, as goddess of the earth, corresponded to Demeter; as goddess of the dead, to the Korh (Persephone).
23 The Newtera is a puzzle. The most likely suggestion is that of Montfaucon, who refers it to Cleopatra, who nea !Isij exrhmatize (Plut. Vit. Anton.). He cites also a coin of M. Antony, on which Cleopatra is figured as qea newtera. Several such are given by Vaillant, de Numism. Cleopatr. 189. She was not the first of her name to adopt this style, see Head Hist. Num. pp. 716, 717. The text might be rendered `Isis, both the Maid and the Younger.'
24 Cf. Wisd. xiv. 12 sqq. quoted below.
25 Cf. Greg. Naz. Or. v. 32, p. 168 c, and Dict. G. and R. Geog. I. p. 783a.
28 This explanation of gods as deified men is known as Euhemerism, from Euhemerus, who broached the theory in the third century, b.c. (supra, 10, note 1); but `there were Euhemerists in Greece before Euhemerus' (Jowett's Plato, 2. 101). The Fathers very commonly adopt the theory, for which, however, there are very slight grounds. Such cases as those of Antinous and the Emperors as well as the legends of heroes and demigods, gave it some plausibility (see Döllinger; Gentile and Jew, vol. i. p. 344. Eng. Tr.).
31 Wisd. xiv. 21. Cf. Isa. xlii. 8, and xlviii. 11.
32 fusij is here used in a double sense.
33 By Aristotle, Top. V. ii.-iv. where man is defined as zwonepisthmhj dektikon compare Metaph. I. i. `All men by nature desire to know.'
35 This may refer to Maximus of Tyre (Saussaye, §11), or to the lost treatise of `the divine Iamblichus' IIeri agalmatwn, which was considered worth answering by Christian writers as late as the seventh century (Philoponus in Phot. Bibl. Cod. 215).
36 This is in effect the defence of the `Scriptor de Mysteriis' (possibly Iamblichus, see Bernays `2 Abhandlungen' 1880, p. 37): material means of worship are a means of access directly to the lower (or quasi-material) gods, and so indirectly to the higher. Few men can reach the latter without the aid of their manifestation in the lower; parestin aulwj toij enuloij ta aula (v. 23, of. 14).
38 Hdt. ii. 69; cf. Juv. Sat. xv. 36, `numina vicinorum Odit uterque locus.'This is one of the few places where Athanasius has any Egyptian `local colour' (cf. supra 9 and so). M. Fialon is certainly too imaginative (p. 86 contradicted p. 283), when he sees in the contra Gentes an appreciation of the higher religious principles which the modern science (`toute Francaise') of Egyptology has enabled us to read behind the grotesque features of popular Egyptian poly theism.
39 On human sacrifice see Saussaye, §17, and Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, pp. 343 sqq., especially p. 347, note 1, for references to examples near the time of this treatise.
40 Reading eidwleioi" conj. Marr.
41 i.e. among the licentious worshippers the lifeless image is the only one free from vice, although the worshippers credit him with divine attributes, and therefore, according to their superstition, with a licentious lite.
5 Compare the somewhat analogous argument in Butler, Serm. ii.
6 Cf. Plato Paedr. 245 C-E., Legg. 896, A, B. The former passage is more likely to be referred to here as it is, like the text, an argument for immortality. Athan, has also referred to Phaedrus above. §5. (Against Gwatkin, Stuaies, p. 101.
5 umin and umwn below are read by several mss., and are probably correct as in the original passage.
6 The `fixed' stars as distinct from the planets. For the argument. cf. Plato, Legg. 966 E.
7 Or, perhaps, "innate, self-evident maxim" (logoj fusikoj).
8 lit. "the steering-paddles."
9 Cf. above 2.2 and note, also 35. 1.
12 neuma, i.e. act of will, or fiat.
15 epibebhkenj, see for the sense Incarn. 43.4, &c.
16 Plato Timaeus 29 E, quoted also de Incarn. 3. 3. This explanation of Divine Creation is also adopted by Philo de Migratione Abrah. 32 (and see Drummond's Philo, vol. 2, pp. 56, sqq.).
17 Plato Politic. (see de Incarn. 43. 7, note).
27 Deut. vi. 4, Deut. vi. 5, Deut. vi. 13.
36 metoxh, cf. de Syn. 48, 51, 53. This was held by Arians, but in common with Paul Samos, and many of the Monarchian heretics. The same principle in Orig. on Ps. 135 (Lomm. xiii. 134) ou kata metousian alla kat ousian qeoj.
39 The corrections were made before he could obtain the essay carefully and gratefully used, but his text is defective, especially and text of Sievers (Zeitsch. Hist. Theol. 1868), where he now from the accidental omission of one of the key-clauses of the finds them nearly all anticipated. Sievers' discussion has been whole (§17).
1 See Contra Gentes, i. The word (Makarie) may be an adjective only, but its occurrence in both places seems decisive. The name was very common (Apol. c. Ar. passim). `Macarius' was a Christian, as the present passage shews: he is presumed (c. Gent. i. 7) to have access to Scripture.
2 thj eusebeiaj. See 1 Tim. iii, 16, and note 1 on De Decr. 1.
3 Or, "been made in one way only." In the next clause I formerly translated the difficult words wj epi swmatoj enoj `as in the case of the universe;' but although the rendering has commended itself to others I now reluctantly admit that it puts too much into the Greek (in spite of §41.5).
10 c. Gent. xli. and Plato, Timoeus 29 E.
14 Eccles. vii. 29; Rom. i. 21, Rom. i. 22.
18 Cf. Concil. Araus. II. Can. 23. `Suam voluntatem homines faciunt, non Dei, quando id agunt quod Deo displicet.'
22 Gal. iii. 19 (verbally only).
23 Cf. Anselm cur Deus Homo, II. 4, `Valde alienum est ab eo, ut ullam rationalem naturam penitus perire sinat.'
24 Literally "what is reasonable with respect to God," i.e. what is involved in His attributes and in His relation to us, cf. Rom. iii. 26, cf. Anselm, ib. I. 12, who slightly narrows down the idea or Athan. `Si peccatum sic dimittitur impunitum, similiter erit apud Deum peccanti et non peccanti, quod Deo non convenit .... Inconvenientia autem iniustitia est.'
30 Cf. Orat. iii. 33, note 5, also ib. 31, note 10.
31 Cf. Orat. iii. 33, note 5, also ib. 31, note 10.
32 The simile is inverted. Men are the `straw,' death the `fire.' cf. xliv. 7.
34 Possibly suggested by the practice of the emperors. Constantinople was thus dignified a few years later (326). For this simile compare Sermo Major de Fide, c. 6.
35 Or, "to put an end to death."
44 autwn may refer to the daimonej, in which case compare c. Gent. 25. sub fin.
45 See c. Gent. 25. 1, ta omoia toij omoioij. Or the text may mean simply "as their due."
46 The Bened. text is corrected here on the ground (1)of ms. evidence, (2) of construction (for which see 6, 7, and c. Gent. 20. 3).
48 See John iii. 3, John iii. 5.
50 Lit. "draws toward Himself."
52 Lit. "draws toward Himself."
55 dia toutou, perhaps, in both places-"by it," viz. His body.
56 dia toutou, perhaps, in both places-"by it," viz. His body.
57 Cf. St. Aug. de Fid. et Symb. 10, Rufin. in Symb. Apost. 12. So also Tertull. adv. Marc. `Quodcunque induerit ipse dignum fecit.'
59 Compare Orat. iii. 31, note 11.
62 autozwh, see c. Gent. 40, 46, and Orat. iv. 2, note 4.
64 e.g. viii. 4; x. 5, &c. `It is quite a peculiarity of Ath. to repeat, and to apologise for doing so,' (Newman in Orat. ii. 80 note 1).
65 epibasij, compare epibainein, 43. 4, &c.
66 epibasij, compare epibainein, 43. 4, &c.
69 Cf. Joh. x. 17, Joh. x. 18.
71 i.e. when sustained by its union with Him.
74 i.e. suggested as endocon (supra, 1); a reading par eautou has been suggested: (devised) "by Himself."
79 Eph. ii. 2, and see the curious visions of Antony, Vit. Ant., 65, 66.
81 Cf. Lightfoot on Coloss. ii. 15, also the fragment of Letter 22, and Letter 60. 7.
84 Literally `at an even' [distance], as contrasted with (a) the same day (2, above), (b) the third day (en tritaiw diasthmati (6, below). en isw must therefore be equivalent in sense to deuteraiou. Possibly the literal sense is `[had the Resurrection taken place] at an equal interval between the Death and the [actual day of] the Resurrection.'
85 Cf. Ps. lv. 4, Ps. lxxxix. 47; Job. xviii. 14.
88 kata tou puroj. kata appears to have the predicative force so common in Aristotle. The Bened, translation `the weakness of fire against the asbestos' is based on a needless conjecture.
90 Cf. Luc. iv. 34, and Marc. v. 7.
98 thn uper autou dunamin. The Ben. version simplifies this difficult expression by ignoring the uper. Mr. E. N. Bennett has suggested to me that the true reading may be uperaulon for iper autou (auloj supra 8. 1, uperaulwj in Philo). I would add the suggestion that autou stood after uperaulon, and that the similarity of the five letters in ms. caused the second word to be dropped out. `His' exceeding immaterial power would be the resulting sense. (See Class. Review, 1890, No. iv. p. 182.)
100 Deut xxviii. 66, see Orat ii. 16, note 1.
102 Properly "let us destroy the tree with its bread" (i.e. fruit). The LXX, translate b???elahmô `upon his bread,' which is possible in itself; but they either mistook the verb, or followed some wrong reading. Their rendering is followed by all the Latin versions. For a comment on the latter see Tertull. adv. Marc. iii. 19, iv. 40.
105 Or `only after he had grown great,' i.e. to man's estate.
106 Isa. viii. 4, where note LXX.
109 Isa. lxv. 1, Isa. lxv. 2; cf. Rom. x. 20, sq.
113 Lit. "answer," a misrendering of the Hebrew.
115 Matt. xi. 13 cf. Luc. xvi. 16.
116 Cf. Ps. cxviii. 27, and for the literal sense, Num. vi. 25.
118 Isa. lxiii. 9 (LXX.), and the note in the (Queen's Printers') `Variorum' Bible.
119 Athan. here assumes, for the purpose of his argument, the principles of the Neo-platonist schools. They were influenced, in regard to the Logos, by Philo, but even on this subject the germ of their teaching may be traced in Plato, especially in the Timoeus, (See Drummond's Philo, i. 65-88. Bigg's Bamp. Lect. 14, 18, 248-253, and St. Aug. Confess. in `Nicene Fathers,' Series 1, vol. 1, p. 107 and notes.)
120 Especially Plato, Tim. 30, &c.
121 epibebhkenai, cf. above, 20. 4, 6. The Union of God and Man in Christ is of course `hypostatic' or personal, and thus (supra 17. 1), different in kind from the union of the Word with Creation. His argument is ad homines. It was not for thinkers who identified the Universe with God to take exception to the idea of Incarnation.
123 epibainwn, see supra, note 3.
124 The superfluous pepoihkenai is ignored, being untranslateable as the text stands. For a less simple conjecture, see the Bened. note.
125 This thought is beautifully expressed by Keble :-
`All true, all faultless, all in tune, Creation's wondrous choir
Opened in mystic unison, to last till time expire.
And still it lasts: by day and night with one consenting voice
All hymn Thy glory Lord, aright, all worship and rejoice:
Man only mars the sweet accord" ....
(`Christian Year,' Fourth Sunday after Trinity.)
127 Cf. Orig. c. Cels. vi. 64, where there is the same contrast between metexein and metexesqai.
128 Ath. paraphrases loosely Plat. Politic. 273 D. See Jowett's Plato (ed. 2) vol. iv. pp. 515, 553.
129 Lit. "sate down", as four lines above.
130 With this discussion compare that upon `repentance' above 7. (esp. 7. 4).
131 Restoration by a mere fiat would have shewn God's power, the Incarnation shews His Love. See Orat. i. 52, note 1, ii. 68, note 1.
132 Cf. Orat. i. 56, note 5, 65, note 3.
133 See above 28. 3. He appears not to have seen the substance.
134 Isa. xi. 9. For the arguments, compare §§11-14.
135 See Döllinger, Gentile and Jew, i. 449.
137 The Incarnation completes the circle of God's self-witness and of man's responsibility.
138 Cf. notes on c. Gent. 10, and 12. 2.
139 On the following argument see Döllinger ii. 210 sqq., and Bigg, Bampt. Lect. 248, note 1.
140 On the local character of ancient religions, see Döllinger i. 109, &c., and Coulanges, La Cité Antique, Book III. ch. vi., and V. iii. (the substance in Barker's Aryan Civilisation).
141 On these, see Döllinger, i. 216, &c., and Milton's Ode on the Nativity, stanza xix.
145 See Döllinger, i. 73, 164-70: the Cabiri were pre-Hellenic deities, worshipped in many ancient sanctuaries, but principally in Samothrace and Lemnos.
146 Cf. Vit. Ant. xvi.-xliii., also Döllinger, ii. 212, and a curious catena of extracts from early Fathers, collected by Hurter in `Opuscula SS. Patrum Selecta,' vol 1, appendix.
147 For this opinion, see note 1 on c. Gent. 12.
148 See Döllinger, ii. 210, and (on Julian) 215.
149 In Plato's ideal Republic, the notion of any direct influence of the highest ideals upon the masses is quite absent. Their happiness is to be in passive obedience to the few whom those ideals inspire. (Contrast Isa. liv. 13, Jer. xxxi. 34.)
150 Cf. Hist. Arian. 25, Apol. Const. 33.
151 e.g. Iamblichus, &c., cf. Introd. to c. Gent.
152 Cf. Thucy. i. 5 6: `pasa gar h #Ellaj esidhroforei,' &c.
154 St. Augustine, Civ. D. IV. xvi. commenting on the fact that the temple of `Repose' (Quies) at Rome was not within the city walls, suggests `qui illam turbam colere perseveraret ...doemoniorum, cure Quietem hahere non posse.'
156 qeopoihqwmen. See Orat. ii. 70, note 1, and many other passages in those Discourses, as well as Letters 60. 4, 61 2. (Eucharistic reference), de Synodis 51, note 7. (Compare also Iren. IV. xxxviii. 4, `non ab initio dii facti sumus, sed primo quidem homines, tunc demum dii,' cf. ib. praef. 4. fin. also V. ix. 2, `sublevat in vitam Dei.' Origen Cels. iii. 28 fin. touches the same thought, but Ath. is here in closer affinity to the idea of Irenaeus than to that of Origen.) The New Test. reference is 2 Pet. i. 4, rather than Heb. ii. 9 sqq; the Old Test., Ps. lxxxii. 6, which seems to underlie Orat. iii. 25 (note 5). In spite of the last mentioned passage, `God' is far preferable as a rendering, in most places, to `gods,' which has heathenish associations. To us (1 Cor. viii. 6) there are no such things as `gods.' (The best summary of patristic teaching on this subject is given by Harnack Dg. ii. p. 46 note.)
158 Cf. Matt. xxiv 42; Marc. xiii. 35.
159 2 Cor. v. 10; cf Rom. xiv. 10.
2 (Eph. iv. 4.) St. Alexander in Theod. begins his Epistle to his namesake of Constantinople with some moral reflections, concerning ambition and avarice. Athan. indeed uses a similar introduction to his Ep. Aeg., but it is not addressed to an individual.
3 paranomoi. vid. Hist. Ar. §71 init. 75 fin. 79.
4 prodromon AntiXriotou. vid Orat. i. 7. Vit. Ant. 69. note on de Syn. 5.
5 kai eboulomhn men siwph <\=85_epeidh de <\=85_anagkhn esxon. vid. Apol. contra. Ar. §1 init, de Decr. § 2. Orat. i. 23, init. Orat. ii. init. Orat. iii. 1. ad Serap. i. 1. 16. ii. 1 init. iii. init. iv. 8 init. Letters 52. 2, 59. 3 fin. 61. 1. contra Apollin. i. 1 init.
6 rupwoh, and infr. rupon. vid Hist. Ar. §3. § 80, de Decr. §2. Ep. Aeg. 11 fin. Orat. i 10.
7 akoaj, and infr. akoaj buei. vid. Ep. Aeg. §13. Orat. i. §7. Hist. Ar. §56.
8 akeraiwn. Apol. contr. Ar. §1. Ep. Aeg. §18. Letters 59. 1, 60. 2 fin. Orat. i. 8.
9 epofqalmisa" also used of Eusebius Apol. contr. Ar. §6. Hist. Ar. §7.
10 rhmatia vid. de Decr. §8, 18. Orat. i. 10. de Sent. §23 init S. Dionysius also uses it. Ibid. §18.
11 kakonoian. vid Hist. Ar. §75. de Decr. §1. et al.
12 ouk aei pathr. This enumeration of Arius's tenets, and particularly the mention of the first, corresponds to de Decr. §6. Ep. Aeg. §12. as being taken from the Thalia. Orat. i. §5. and far less with Alex. ap. Theod. p. 731, 2. vid. also Sent. D. §16. kataxrhstikwj, which is found here, occurs de Decr. §6.
13 ousian. ousia tou logou or tou uiou is a familiar expression with Athan. e.g. Orat. i. 45, ii. 7, 9, 11, 12, 13, 18 init. 22, 47 init 56 init. &c., for which Alex. in Theod. uses the word upostaij e.g. thn idiotropon autou upostasin thj upostasewj autou aperiegastou newteran thj upostasewj gensin h tou uonogenouj anekdihghtoj upostasij thn tou logou upostasin.
14 (2 Cor vi. 14.) koinwnia fwti. This is quoted Alex. ap. Theod. H. E. i. 3. p. 738; by S. Athan. in Letter 47. It seems to have been a received text in the controversy, as the Sardican Council uses it, Apol Ar. 49, and S. Athan. seems to put it into the mouth of St. Anthony, Vit. Ant. 69.
15 tij gar hkouse. Ep. Aeg. 7 init. Letter 59. §2 init. Orat. i. 8. Apol. contr. Ar. 85 init. Hist. Ar. §46 init. §73 init. §74 init. ad Serap. iv. 2 init.
20 (Joh. xiv. 9, Joh. xiv. 10, Joh. x. 29.) On the concurrence of these three texts in Athan. (though other writers use them too, and Alex. ap. Theod. has two of them), vid. note on Orat. i. 34.
21 alogon kai asofon ton qeon. de Decr. §15. Orat. i. §19. Ap. Fug. 27. note, notes on Or. i. 19, de. Decr. 15, note 6.
22 (Joh. xiv. 9, Joh. xiv. 10, Joh. x. 29.) On the concurrence of these three texts in Athan. (though other writers use them too, and Alex. ap. Theod. has two of them), vid. note on Orat. i. 34.
23 (Joh. xiv. 9, Joh. xiv. 10, Joh. x. 29.) On the concurrence of these three texts in Athan. (though other writers use them too, and Alex. ap. Theod. has two of them), vid. note on Orat. i. 34.
24 (Mal. iii. 6.) This text is thus applied by Athan. Orat. i. 30. ii. 10. In the first of these passages he uses the same apology, nearly in the same words, which is contained in the text.
27 xamaileontej. vid. de Decr. §1. Hist. Ar. §79.
28 Prov. xviii. 3 [cf. Orat. iii. 1, c. Gent. 8. 4, &c.]
31 (1 Tim. iv. 1.) Into this text which Athan. also applies to the Arians (cf. note on Or. i. 9.), Athan. also introduces, like Alexander here, the word ugianoushj, e.g. Ep. Aeg. §20, Orat. i. 8 fin. de Decr. 3, Hist. Arian. §78 init. &c. It is quoted without the word by Origen contr. Cels. v. 64, but with ugiouj in Matth. t. xiv. 16. Epiphan, has ugiainoushj didaskaliaj, Hoer. 78. 2. ugiouj did. ibid. 23 p. 1055.
32 propeteusainto. vid. de Decr. §2.
33 fqoreaj twn yuxwn. but S. Alex. in Theod. uses the compound word. fqoropoioj. p. 731. Other compound or recondite words (to say nothing of the construction of sentences) found in S. Alexander s Letter in Theod., and unlike the style of the Circular under review, are such as h filarxoj kai filarguroj proqesi: xristemporian: frenoblabouj: idiotropon: omostoixoij oullabaij: qehgorouj apostolouj: antidiastolhn thj patrikhj maieusewj: melagxolikhn: filoqeoj safhneia anosiourgiaj: flhnafwn mufwn. Instances of theological language in S. Alex. to which the Letter in the text contains no resemblance are axwriota pragmata duo: o uioj thn kata panta ouoiothta autou ek fusewj apomacamenoj: di esoptrou akhlidwtou kai euyuxou qeiaj eikonoj: mesiteuousa fusij monogenhj: taj th upostasei duo fuseij.
35 Vid. Presbysters, Apol. Ar. 73.
36 Vid. Presbysters, Apol. Ar. 73.
37 Vid. Presbysters, Apol. Ar. 73.
38 Vid. Presbysters, Apol. Ar. 73.
39 Vid. Presbysters, Apol. Ar. 73.
1 This Letter is also found in Socr. H. E. i. 8. Theod. H. E. i.Gelas. Hist. Nic. ii. 34. p. 442. Niceph. Hist. viii.
2 And so infr. "most pious," §4. "most wise and most religious," ibid. "most religious," §8. §10. Eusebius observes in his Vit. Const. the same tone concerning Constantine, and assigns to him the same office in determining the faith (being as yet unbaptized), E.g. "When there were differences between persons of different countries, as if some common bishop appointed by God, he convened Councils of God's ministers; and not disdaining to be present and to sit amid their conferences," &c. i. 44. When he came into the Nicene Council, "it was," says Eusebius, "as some heavenly Angel of God," iii. 10. alluding to the brilliancy of the imperial purple. He confesses, however, he diet not sit down until the Bishops bade him. Again at the same Council, "with pleasant eyes looking serenity itself into them all, collecting himself, and in a quiet and gentle voice" he made an oration to the Fathers upon peace. Constantine had been an instrument in conferring such vast benefits, humanly speaking, on the Christian Body, that it is not wonderful that other writers of the day besides Eusebius should praise him. Hilary speaks of him as "of sacred memory," Fragm. v. init. Athanasius calls him "most pious," Apol. contr. Arian. 9; "of blessed memory," ad Ep. Aeg. 18. 19. Epiphanius "most religious and of ever-blessed memory," Haer. 70. 9. Posterity, as was natural, was still more grateful.
3 "The children of the Church have received from their holy Fathers, that is, the holy Apostles, to guard the faith; and withal to deliver and preach it to their own children... Cease not, faithful aud orthodox men, thus to speak, and to teach the like from the divine Scriptures, and to walk, and to catechise, to the confirmation of yourselves and those who hear you; namely, that holy faith of the Catholic Church, as the holy and only Virgin of God received its custody from the holy Apostles of the Lord; and thus, in the case of each of those who are under catechising, who are to approach the Holy Laver, ye ought not only to preach faith to your children in the Lord, but also to teach them expressly, as your common mother teaches, to say: `We believe in One God,'" &c. Epiph. Ancor. 119 fin., who thereupon proceeds to give at length the [so-called] Constantinopolitan Creed. And so Athan. speaks of the orthodox faith, as "issuing from Apostolical teaching and the Fathers' traditions, and confirmed by New and Old Testament." Letter 60. 6. init. Cyril Hier. too as "declared by the Church and established from all Scripture." Cat. v. 12. "Let us guard with vigilance what we have received ...What then have we received from the Scriptures but altogether this? that God made the world by the Word," &c., &c. Procl. ad Armen. p. 612. "That God, the Word, after the union remained such as He was, &c., so clearly hath divine Scripture, and moreover the doctors of the Churches, and the lights of the world taught us." Theodor. Dial. 3 init. "That it is the tradition of the Fathers is not the whole of our case; for they too followed the meaning of Scripture, starting from the testimonies, which just now we laid before you from Scripture." Basil de Sp. §16. vid. also a remarkable passage in de Synod. §6 fin. infra.
5 [Or. `taking the addition as their pretext.']
6 The only clauses of the Creed which admit of any question in their explanation, are the "He was not before His generation," and "of other subsistence or essence." Of these the former shall be reserved for a later part of the volume; the latter is treated of in a note at the end of this Treatise [see Excursus A.].
7 Eusebius does not commit himself to any positive sense in which the formula "of the essence" is to be interpreted, but only says what it does not mean. His comment on it is "of the Father, but not as a part;" where, what is not negative, instead of being an explanation, is but a recurrence to the original words of Scripture, of which ec ousiaj itself is the explanation; a curious inversion. Indeed it is very doubtful whether be admitted the ec ousiaj at all. He says, that the Son is not like the radiance of light so far as this, that the radiance is an inseparable accident of substance, whereas the Son is by the Father's will, kata gnwmhn kai proairesin, Demonstr. Ev. iv. 3. And though he insists on our Lord being alone, ek qeon, yet he means in the sense which Athan. refutes, supr. §6, viz. that He alone was created immediately from God, vid. next note 6. It is true that he plainly condemns with the Nicene Creed the ec ouk ontwn of the Arians, "out of nothing," but an evasion was at hand here also; for he not only adds, according to Arian custom, "as others" (vid. note following) but he has a theory that no being whatever is out of nothing, for non-existence cannot be the cause of existence. God, he says, "proposed His own will and power as `a sort of matter and substance' of the production and constitution of the universe, so that it is not reasonably said, that any thing is out of nothing. For what is from nothing cannot be at all. How indeed can nothing be to any thing a cause of being? but at all that is, takes its being from One who only is, and was, who also said `I am that I am.'" Demonstr. Ev. iv. 1. Again, speaking of our Lord, "He who was from nothing would not truly be Son of God, `as neither is any other of things generate.'" Eccl. Theol. i. 9 fin. [see, however, D.C.B. ii. p. 347].
8 Eusebius distinctly asserts, Dem. Ev. iv. 2, that our Lord is a creature. "This offspring," he says, "did He first produce Himself from Himself as a foundation of those things which should succeed, the perfect handy-work, dhmiourghma, of the Perfect, and the wise structure, arxitektonhma, of the Wise," &c. Accordingly his avowal in the text is but the ordinary Arian evasion of "an offspring, not as the offsprings." E.g. "It is not without peril to say recklessly that the Son is originate out of nothing `similarly to the other things originate.'" Dem Ev. v. 1. vid. also Eccl. Theol. i. 9. iii. 2. And he considers our Lord the only Son by a divine provision similar to that by which there is only one sun in the firmament, as a centre of light and heat. "Such an Only-begotten Son, the excellent artificer of His will and operator, did the supreme God and Father of that operator Himself first of all beget, through Him and in Him giving subsistence to the operative words (ideas or causes) of things which were to be, and casting in Him the seeds of the constitution and governance of the universe;... Therefore the Father being One, it behoved the Son to be one also; but should any one object that He constituted not more, it is fitting for such a one to complain that He constituted not more suns, and moons, and worlds, and ten thousand other things." Dem. Ev. iv. 5 fin. vid. also iv. 6.
9 Eusebius does not say that our Lord is "from the essence of" the Father, but has "an essence from" the Father. This is the Semi-arian doctrine, which, whether confessing the Son from the essence of the Father or not, implied that His essence was not the Father's essence, but a second essence. The same doctrine is found in the Semi-arians of Ancyra, though they seem to have confessed "of the essence." And this is one object of the omoousion, to hinder the confession "of the essence" from implying a second essence, which was not obviated or was even encouraged by the omoiousion. The Council of Ancyra, quoting the text "As the Father hath life in Himself so," &c., says, "since the life which is in the Father means essence, and the life of the Only-begotten which is begotten from the Father means essence, the word `so' implies a likeness of essence to essence." Haer. 73. 10 fin. Hence Eusebius does not scruple to speak of "two essences," and other writers of three essences, contr. Marc. i. 4. p. 25. He calls our Lord "a second essence." Dem. Ev. vi. Praef. Praep. Ev. vii. 12. p. 320, and the Holy Spirit a third essence, ibid. 15. p. 325. This it was that made the Latins so suspicions of three hypostases, because the Semi-arians, as well as they, understood upostasij to mean essence [but this is dubious]. Eusebius in like manner [after Origen] calls our Lord "another God," "a second God." Dem. Ev. v. 4. p. 226. v. fin. "second Lord." ibid. 3 init. 6. fin. "second cause." Dem. Ev. v. Pr...f. vid. also eteron exousa to kat ousian upokeimenon Dem. Ev. v. 1. p. 215. kaq eauton ousiwmenoz ibid. iv. 3. And so eteroj para ton patira. Eccl. Theol. i. 60. p. 90. and zwhn idian exwn. ibid. and zwh kai ufestwj kai tou patroj uparxwn ektoj ibid. Hence Athan. insists so much, as in de Decr., on our Lord not being external to the Father. Once admit that He is in the Father, and we may call the Father, the only God, for He is included. And so again as to the Ingenerate, the term does not exclude the Son, for He is generate in the Ingenerate.
10 This was the point on which the Semi-arians made their principal stand against the "one in essence," though they also objected to it as being of a Sabellion character. E.g. Euseb. Demonstr. iv. 3. p. 148. d.p. 149. a, b. v. 1. pp. 213-215. contr. Marcell. i. 4. p. 20. Eccl. Theol. i. 12. p. 73. in laud. Const. p. 525. de Fide i. ap. Sirmond. tom. i. p. 7. de Fide ii. p. 16, and apparently his de Incorporali. And so the Semi-arians at Ancyra Epiph. Haer. 73. 11. p. 858. a, b. And so Meletius ibid. p. 878 fin. and Cyril Hier. Catech. vii. 5. xi. 18. though of course Catholics would speak ass strongly on this point as their opponents.
11 Here again Eusebius does not say "from the Father's essence," but "not from other essence, but from the Father." According to note 5, supr. be considered the will of God a certain matter or substance. Montfaucon in loc. and Collect. Nov. Praef. p. xxvi. translates without warrant "ex Patris hypostasi et substantiâ." As to the Son's perfect likeness to the Father which he seems here to grant, it has been already shewn, de Decr. 20, note 9, how the admission was evaded. The likeness was but a likeness after its own kind, as a picture is of the original. "Though our Saviour Himself teaches," he says, "that the Father is the `only true God,' still let me not be backward to confess Him also the true God, `as in an image,' and that possessed; so that the addition of `only' may belong to the Father alone as archetype of the image ...As, supposing one king held sway, and his image was carried about into every quarter, no one in his right mind would say that those who held sway were two, but one who was honoured through his image; in like manner," &c. de Eccles. Theol. ii. 23, vid. ibid. 7.
12 Athanasius in like manner, ad Afros. 6. speaks of "testimony of ancient Bishops about 130 years since;" and in de Syn. §43. of "long before" the Council of Antioch, a.d. 269. viz. the Dionysii, &c. vid. note on de Decr. 20.
13 Socrates, who advocates the orthodoxy of Eusebius, leaves out this heterodox paragraph [§§9, 10] altogether. Bull, however, Defens. F. N. iii. 9. n. 3. thinks it an interpolation. Athanasius alludes to the early part of the clause, supr. §4. and de Syn. §13. where he says, that Eusebius implied that the Arians denied even our Lord's existence before His incarnation. As to Constantine, he seems to have been used on these occasions by the court Bishops who were his instructors, and who made him the organ of their own heresy. Upon the first rise of the Arian controversy he addressed a sort of pastoral letter to Alexander and Arius, telling them that they were disputing about a question of words, and recommending them to drop it and live together peaceably. Euseb. vit. C. ii. 69. 72.
14 [Rather `potentially' both here and three lines below.] Theognis, [one] of the Nicene Arians, says the same, according to Philostorgius; viz. "that God even before He begat the Son was a Father, as having the power, dunamij, of begetting." Hist. ii. 15. Though Bull pronounces such doctrine to be heretical, as of course it is, still he considers that it expresses what otherwise stated may be orthodox, viz. the doctrine that our Lord was called the Word from eternity, and the Son upon His descent to create the worlds. And he acutely and ingeniously interprets the Arian formula, "Before His generation He was not," to support this view. Another opportunity will occur of giving an opinion upon this question; meanwhile, the parallel on which the heretical doctrine is supported in the text is answered by many writers, on the ground that Father and Son are words of nature, but Creator, King, Saviour, are external, or what may be called accidental to Him. Thus Athanasius observes, that Father actually implies Son, but Creator only the power to create, as expressing a dunamij; "a maker is before his works, but he who says Father, forthwith in Father implies the existence of the Son." Orat. iii. §6. vid. Cyril too, Dial. ii. p. 459. Pseudo-Basil, contr. Eun. iv. 1. fin. On the other hand Origen argues the reverse way, that since God is eternally a Father, therefore eternally Creator also: "As one cannot he father without a son nor lord without possession, so neither can God be ca ed All-powerful, without subjects of His power;" de Princ. i. 2. n. 10. hence he argued for the eternity of matter.
15 [This excursus supports the view taken above, Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (2) b; the student should supplement Newman's discussion by Zahn Marcellus and Harnack Dogmengesch. as quoted at the head of that section of the Prolegg. The word `Semi-arian' is used in a somewhat inexact sense in this excursus, see Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (2) c, and §8 (2) c.]
173 * The printed text of the Eerdman's reprint is damaged or unreadable here.
1 See de Syn. §§3, 46, 47, and the Excursus in Lightfoot's Ignatius, vol. ii. pp. 90 and foll (first ed.).
2 Cf. note by Newman on de Synodis, §26(5).
3 Cf. Newman's note (8) on de Decr. §II.
4 Or `development' (Gr. probolh) a word with Gnostic and Sabellian antecedents, cf. Newman's note 8 on de Synodis, §16.
5 This word, which became the watchword of the Acacian party, the successors of the Eusebians, marks the relatively early date of this treatise. At a later period Athanasius would not use it without qualification (see Orat. ii. §22, note 4), and later still, rejected the Word entirely as misleading (de Synodis, §53. note 9). Vet see ad Afros. 7, and Orat. ii. 34.
6 o kuriakoj anqrwpoj (see above, introductory remarks). The expression is quoted as used by Ath., apparently from this passage, by Rufinus (Hieron. Opp. ix. p. 131, ed. 1643), Theodoret, Dial. 3, and others. The expression `Dominicus Homo' used by St. Augustine is rendered `Divine Man'in Nicene and P. N. Fathers, Series i. vol. vi. p. 40 b.
7 monoousion kai oux omoousion (see Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (2) b sub fin.). The distinction cannot (to those accustomed to use the `Nicene' Creed in English) be rendered so as to imply a real difference. The real distinction lies, not in the prefixes mono- and omo-, but in the sense to be attached to the ambiguous term ousia.
8 Heb. For the Lord hath created a new thing in the earth, A woman shall encompass a man.' Cf. Orat. ii. 46, note 5.
9 The same phrase also in Serm. M. de Fid. 18.
10 kuriakoj anqrwpoj, see above.
11 egennhqh (I Cor. i. 30,egenhqh). The two words are constantly confused in mss., and I suspect that egenhqh, which (pace Swainson p. 78, note) the context really requires, was what Ath, wrote
12 See also de Sent. Dionys. 17.
1 See Orat. ii. §24, 25, De Decr. §8, and Harnack, Dogmgesch. (ed. 2) vol. 2. p. 208, note.
2 This dramatic representation of the Mission of the Son stands alone in the writings of Athanasius, and, if pressed, lends itself to a conception of the relation of the Son to the Father which, if not Arian, is at least contrary to the more explicit and mature conception of Athanasius as formulated for example in Orat. ii. 31 (and see note 7 there). The same idea appears in Milton's Paradise Lost (e.g. Book X.) See Newman, Arians 4, p. 93, note.
4 treij upostaseij. This expression is a link between this tract and the Expositio (§2), and is one of the indications it bears of an early date. At this time we see that Athanasius speaks of Three `Hypostases,' but qualifies his language by the caveat (Expos. 2) that they are not memerismenai. In this he follows his Origenist predecessor Dionysius, and the language of the present passage is that of Basil or the Gregories. But it is not the language of Athan. himself in his later years. See above, Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (2) b, and Introd. to Tom. ad Ant. and to Ad Afr.
2 ensebeia, orthodoxy, see de Decr. 1, note.
3 Vid. Beveridg. Cod. Can. Illustr. i. 3. §2, who comments of this passage at length. Allusion is also made to the Canons is Apol. contr. Arian. §69
4 Vid. de Syn. §4. Orat. i. §8. Tertull. Praescr. Haer. §29.
7 Assembling in the Churches seems to have been a sort of protest or demonstration, sometimes peaceably, but sometimes in a more exceptionable manner;-peaceably, during Justina's persecution at Milan, Ambros. Ep. i. 20. August. Confess. ix. 15, but at Ephesus after the third Ecumenical Council the Metropolitan shut up the Churches, took possession of the Cathedral, and succeeded in repelling the imperial troops. Churches were asylums, vid. Cod. Theodos. ix. 45. §4. &c.; at the same time arms were prohibited.
8 areiomanitwn, vid. note on de Syn. 13.
11 The Prefect of Egypt was called [after 367, see Sievers, p. 119, and Prolegg. ch. v. Appendix, yet see Apol. Ar. §83] Augustalis as having been first appointed by Augustus, after his victories over Antony. He was of the Equestrian, not, as other Prefects, of the Senatorian order. He was the imperial officer, as answering to Propraetors in the Imperial Provinces. vid. Hofman. in voc. [on Philagrius, see Apol. c. Ari. §72, Prolegg. ch. ii. §5 (1) note].
12 Cf. Hist. Ar. §9 and 10. Apparently the great Church of `Theonas' is meant, see Fest. Index xi.
13 The sister of S. Antony was one of the earliest known inmates of a nunnery, vit. Ant. §2. 3. They were called by the Catholic Church by the title, "Spouse of Christ." Apol. ad Const. §33.
14 The quoj or suffitus of Grecian sacrifices generally consisted of portions of odoriferous trees. vid. Potter. Antiqu. ii. 4. Some translate the word here used (strbilouj), "shell-fish."
15 Churches, as heathen temples before them, were used for deposits. At the sack of Rome, Alaric spared the Churches and their possessions; nay, be himself transported the costly vessels of St. Peter into his Church.
16 en tw toixiw. [Reference uncertain.]
17 apomaforizomenai; see Sophocles' Lexicon under maforion.
18 Lent and Passion Week was the season during which Justina's persecution of St. Ambrose took place, and the proceedings against St. Chrysostom at Constantinople. On the Paschal Vigils, vid. Tertull. ad Uxor. ii. 4. [Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. iv. p 46] p. 426, note n. Oxf. Tr.
19 parskeuh, i.e., Good Friday. [Apr. 13, 339,] The word was used for Friday generally as early as S. Clem. Alex. Strom. vii. p. 877. ed. Pott. vid. Constit. Apostol. v. 13 Pseudo-Ign. ad Philipp. 13.
20 [On the difficulties of this part of the history, see Prolegg. ch. ii. §6 (1) ad fin., and ch. v. §3, c. It must be noted that according to the following passage Ath. had left the `other church' before Easter Day. It was probably that of `Quirinus,' Hist. Ar. 10.]
21 Cf. Ap. Fug. 11, and Matt. x. 23.
27 1 Cor. xii. 26; Rom. xii. 15.
28 Apol. Ar. 22, 30 Hist. Ar. 9. [The word perusin, `last year, is absent from the best ms. used by Montfaucon.']
1 The Council of Sardica says eighty; which is a usual number in Egyptian Councils. (vid. Tillemont, vol. 8. p. 74.) There were about ninety Bishops in Egypt, the Thebais, and Libya. The present Council was held [at the end of 338 or possibly at the beginning of 339]. Its synodal Epistle is contained below, §3, and is particularly addressed to Pope Julius, §20.
2 This was held in 340. Julius's Letter is found below, §21.
3 Vid. infr. §58. This was a.d. 347.
5 wj hqelhsan. vid. infr. §14. de Decr. §3. de Syn. §13. Ep. Aeg. §5.
6 This implies that Valens nd Ursacius were subjected to some kind of persecution, which is natural [most improbable]. They relapsed in 351, when Constantius on the death of Constans came into possession of his brother's dominions; and professed to have been forced to their former recantation by the latter Emperor.
16 The Eusebians alleged that, fifty-four Bishops of the two parties of S. Alexander and Meletius being assembled for the election, and having sworn to elect by the common voice, six or seven of these broke their oaths in favour of S. Athanasius, whom no one had thought of, and consecrated him in secret to the great surprise and scandal of both ecclesiastical and lay persons. vid. Socr. ii. 17. Philostorgius (a.d. 425) adds particulars, explanatory or corrective of this statement, of which the Bishops in the text do not seem to have heard; viz., that Athanasius with his party one night seized on the Church of St. Dionysius, and compelled two Bishops whom he found there to consecrate him against their will; that he was in consequence anathematized by all the other Bishops, but that, fortifying himself in his position, he sent in his election to the Emperor, and by this means obtained its confirmation. H. E. ii. 16. It appears, in matter of fact, that S. Athan. was absent at time of his election; as Socrates says, in order to avoid it, or as Epiphanius, on business at the Court; these reasons are compatible. [Cf. Prolegg. ch. ii. §4, and Gwatkin's note, quoted there.]
17 It is contested whether S. Athan. was ever one of S. Antony's monks, the reading of a passage in the commencement of his Vit. Ant., which would decide the question, varying in different mss. The word "ascetic" is used of those who lived a life, as afterwards followed in Monasteries, in the Ante-Nicene times. [See D.C.B. 1. 181a, and Prolegg. ch. ii §1 ad fin, and Introd. to Vit. Ant.]
18 The Canons of Nicaea and Sardica were absolute against translation, but, as Bingham observes, Antiqu. vi. 4. §6. only as a general rule. The so-called Apostolical Canons except "a reasonable cause" and the sanction of a Council; one of the Councils of Carthage prohibits them when subserving ambitious views, and except for the advantage of the Church. Vid. list of translations in Socr. Hist. vii. 36. Cassiodor. Hist. xii. 8. Niceph. Hist. xiv. 39. Coteler. adds others ad Can. Apost. 14. [cf Hist Ari. 7.]
19 i.e. Constantinople on the expulsion of Paul.
20 1 Tim. vi. 5; Matt. xviii. 20; 2 Cor. x. 15; 1 Cor. vii. 27.
21 Or Theognis; he was, as well as Eusebius, a pupil of Lucian's, and was deposed together with him after the Nicene Council for communicating with Arians. [They were not ecclesiastically deposed, but exiled by the Emperor, see Prolegg. ch ii. §§3 (1) and (2) c, 6 (1).] Constantine banished them to Gaul; they were recalled in the course of two or three years. He was dead by the date of the Council of Sardica.
22 Eusebian Council of Tyre, a.d. 335.
23 On his return from Gaul, Nov. 23, a.d. 337. [Prolegg. ch. ii. §6 (1).]
25 At the Council of Tyre, Potarno, an Egyptian Bishop and Confessor asked Eusebius what had happened to him in prison during the persecution, Epiph. Haer. 68, 7, as if hinting at his cowardice. It appears that Eusebius was prisoner at Caesarea with S. Pamphilus; yet he never mentions the fact himself, which is unlike him, if it was producible. [The insinuation of Potammon was groundless: see Dic. C. Biog. ii. 311.]
26 George, Bishop of Laodicea, had been degraded when a priest by S. Alexander, for his profligate habits as well as his Arianism. Athan. speaks of him elsewhere as reprobated even by his party. de Fug. 26. [Cf. §49, de Syn. 17. Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (2) c, 2.]
28 Hist. Ari. 11, and below §§36, 71.
30 By Constantine into Gaul, a.d. 336.
31 The circumstances of this appeal, which are related by Athan. below, §86, are thus summed up by Gibbon; "Before the final sentence could be pronounced at Tyre, the intrepid primate threw himself into a bark which was ready to hoist sail for the imperial city. The request of a formal audience might have been opposed or eluded; but Athanasius concealed his arrival, watched the moment of Constantine's return from an adjacent villa, and boldly encountered his angry sovereign as he passed on horseback through the principal street of Constantinople. So strange an apparition excited his surprise and indignation; and the guards were ordered to remove the importunate suitor; but his resentment was subdued by involuntary respect; and the haughty spirit of the Emperor was awed by the courage and eloquence of a Bishop, who implored his justice and awakened his conscience." Decl. and Fail, xxi. Athan. was a small man in person.
34 This period, when Christianity was acknowledged by the state but not embraced by the population, is just the time when we hear most of this Reserve as a principle. While Christians were but a sect, persecution enforced a discipline, and when they were commensurate with the nation, faith made it unnecessary. We are now returned to the state of the fourth century.
37 [Cf. §59, and Ep. Aeg. 22, Prolegg. ch. ii. §2 init.]
38 This seems to imply that the Holy Communion was only celebrated on Sundays in the Egyptian Churches. [Cf. §§63, 74, 76.]
42 Vid. also Ep. Aeg. 7. Euseb. Vit. C. iv. 43. Hilar. ad Const i. 5. Fragm. ii. 12 [`Diognius' is another form of `Theognius' or Theognis. See Prolegg. ch. ii. §5.]
43 Vid. also Ep. Aeg. 7. Euseb. Vit. C. iv. 43. Hilar. ad Const i. 5. Fragm. ii. 12 [`Diognius' is another form of `Theognius' or Theognis. See Prolegg. ch. ii. §5.]
44 Cf. Encycl. 3, Apol. Const. 33.
46 [Not in Lent, for the commission were at Alexandria in September, see the date of the protest, infra, §76.]
47 This Alexander had been one of the Nicene Fathers, in 325, and had the office of publishing their decrees in Macedonia, Greece, &c. He was at the Council of Jerusalem ten years after, at which the Church of the Holy Sepulchre was consecrated, and afterwards Arius admitted to communion. His influence with the Court party seems to have been great, judging from Count Dionysius's tone in speaking of him. Infr. §§66, 80, 81.
49 Vid infr. §63 fin. §85 fin.
51 The district, called Mareotis from a neighbouring lake, lay in the territory and diocese of Alexandria, to the south-west. It consisted of various large villages, with handsome Churches, and resident Priests, and of hamlets which had none; of the latter was "Irene of Sccontarurus)" (infr. §85.) where Ischyras lived.
54 Arcaph. infr. 65 fin., head of the Meletians.
55 Vid. infr. §37, 46. and de Syn. 32, note.
56 Cathedrae velatae, see Bingh. viii. 6. §10.
57 Vid. their names infr. §40.
61 The Eusebians availed themselves of the subscriptions of the Meletians, as at Philippopolis. Hilar. Fragm. 3.
63 a.d. 339. vid. Hist. Arian. §11. [Socrates (iii. 5) and Sozomenus (ii. 8, &c.), confuse the Antiochene Synod, which sent the letter referred to, with the Synod of the `Dedication' held in 341 a.d., after the receipt of the letter of Julius.]
64 Vito and Vincentius, Presbyters, had represented Silvester at Nicaea. Liberius sent Vincentius, Bishop, and Marcellus, Bishop, to Constantius; and again Lucifer, Bishop, and Eusebius, Bishop. [The practice was common to all bishops, not peculiar to that of Rome.] S. Basil suggests that Damasus should send legates into the East, Ep. 69. The Council of Sardica, Can. 5, recognised the Pope's power of sending legates into foreign Provinces to hear certain appeals; "ut de Latere suo Presbyterum mittat." [It conferred the power (1) upon Julius (2) without any right of initiative, in Can. 3; Can. 5 simply regulates the exercise of the power thus conferred. The genuineness of these Canons has been disputed: at Rome they were quoted in the fifth century as `Nicene.'] vid. Thomassin. de Eccl. Disc. Part I. ii. 117. [D.C.B. iii. 530, D.C.A. 197, 1658.]
65 [Date uncertain; see Prolegg. ch. ii. §6 (1) sub fin., and note there.]
68 By Danius, which had been considered the same name as Dianius, Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, Montfaucon in loc. understands the notorious Arian Bishop of Nicaea, called variously Diognius (supr. §13.) Theognius (infr §28.), Theognis (Philost. Hist. ii. 7.) Theogonius, (Theod. Hist. i. 19.), and assigns some ingenious and probable reasons for his supposition. [`Danius' was the Bishop of Caesarea in Cappad., he also signs at Philippopolis. See D.C.B. under Dianius and Basil.] Flacillus, Arian Bishop of Antioch, as Athan. names him, is called Placillus (in S. Jerome's Chronicon, p. 785.), Placitus (Soz. iii. 5.), Flacitus (Theod. Hist. i. 21.). Theodorus was Arian Bishop of Heraclea, whose Comments on the Psalms are supposed to be those which bear his name in Corderius's Catena. [He was not a thorough Arian.]
69 Some of the topics contained in the Eusebian Letter are specified in Julius's answer. It acknowledged, besides, the high dignity of the [church] of Rome, as being a "School (frontisthrion) of Apostles and a Metropolis of orthodoxy from the beginning," but added that "doctors came to it from the east; and they ought not themselves to hold the second place, for they were superior in virtue, though not in their Church." And they said that they would hold communion with Julius if he would agree to their depositions and substitutions in the Eastern Sees. Soz. iii. 8.
71 As this determination does not find a place among the now received Canons of the Council, the passage in the text becomes of great moment in the argument in favour of the twenty Canons extant in Greek being but a portion of those passed at Nicaea. vid. Alber. Dissert. in Hist. Eccles. vii. Abraham Ecchellensis has argued on the same side (apud Colet. Concil. t. ii. p. 399. Ed. Ven. 1728), also Baronius, though not so strongly, Ann. 325. nn. 157 &c. and Montfaucon in loc. Natalis Alexander, Saec. 4. Dissert. 28 argues against the larger number, and Tillemont, Mem. vi. 674. [But it is far more likely that Julius is making a free use of Can. Nic. 5; the Arabic canons are apparently referred to in the above note: no one now defends them.]
72 The number of the Fathers at the Nicene Council is generally considered to have been 318, the number of Abraham's servants, Gen. xiv. 14. Anastasius (Hodeg. 3. fin.) referring to the first three Ecumenical Councils, speaks of the faith of the 318, the 150, and the 200. [Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (1).]
76 Cf. Ep. Aeg. 7, 19, Hist. Ar. 63.
77 Vid. also Hilar. Fragm. iii. 20.
78 The instance of Novatian makes against the Eusebians, because for some time after Novatian was condemned in the West, his cause was abandoned in the East. Tillemont, Mem. t. 7. p. 277.
83 The Persian war. Hist. Arian. §11.
92 Spring of 339 a.d. to autumn of 340.
94 Or rather, halts, monai. They are enumerated in the Itinerary of Antoninus, and are set down on Montfaucon's plate. The route passes over the Delta to Pelusium, and then coasts all the way to Antioch. These monai were day's journeys, Coustant in Hilar. Psalm 118, Lit. 5. 2. or half a day's journey, Herman. ibid; and were at unequal intervals, Ambros. in Psalm 118, Serm. 5. §5. Gibbon says that by the government conveyances, "it was easy to travel an 100 miles in a day along the Roman roads." ch. ii. Monh or mansio properly means the building, where soldiers or other public officers rested at night (hence its application to monastic houses). Such buildings included granaries, stabling, &c. vid. Con. Theod. ed. Gothofr. 1665. t. 1. p. 47, t. 2: p. 507. Du Cange Gloss. t. 4. p. 426. Col. 2.
96 Athan. only suggests this, supr. Encyc. 3. S. Hilary says the same of the conduct of the Arians at Toulouse; "Clerks were beaten with clubs; Deacons bruised with lead; nay, even on Christ Himself (the Saints understand my meaning) hands were laid." Contr. Constant. 11.
97 Julius here acquits Marcellus; but he is considered heretical by S. Epiphanius, loc. cit. S. Basil. Epp. 69, 125, 263, 265. S. Chyrsostom in Hebr. Hom. ii. 2. Theodoret, Haer. ii. 10. vid. Petav. de Trin. i. 13. who condemns him, and Bull far more strongly, Def. F. N. ii. 1. §9. Montfaucon defends him (in a special Dissertation, Collect. Nov. tom. 2.) and Tillemont. Mem. tom. 7. P. 513, and Natalis Alex. Saec. iv. Dissert. 30. [Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (2) c.]
98 Vid. Epipb. Haer. 72. 2, 3. and §47. infr.
102 The names of few are known; perhaps Marcellus, Asclepas, Paul of Constantinople, Lucius of Adrianople. vid. Montf. in loc. Tillem. Mem. tom. 7. p. 272.
103 These outrages took place immediately on the dismission of Elpidius and Philoxenus, the Pope's legates, from Antioch. Athan. Hist. Ar. 12.
104 e.g. Sarapammon and Potamo, both Confessors, who were of the number of the Nicene Fathers, and had defended Athan. at Tyre, were, the former banished, the latter beaten to death. vid. infr. Hist. Ar. 12.
105 The Pseudo-Sardican Council, i.e. that of Philippopolis, retort this accusation on the party of Marcellus; Hilar. Fragm. iii. 9. but the character of the outrages fixes them on the Arians, vid. infr. §45, note [There were doubtless outrages on both sides].
111 Coustant in loc. fairly insists on them word "all," as shewing that S. Julius does not here claim the prerogative of judging by himself all Bishops whatever, and that what follows relates merely to the Church of Alexandria.
112 St. Peter (Greg. M. Epist. vii. Ind. 15. 40.) or St. Mark (Leo Ep. 9.) at Alexandria. St. Paul at Ancyra in Galatia (Tertull. contr. Marcion. iv. 5.) vid. Coustant. in loc.
113 Socrates says somewhat differently, "Julius wrote back .... that they acted against the Canons, because they had not called him to a Council, the Ecclesiastical Canon commanding that the Churches ought not to make Canons beside the will of the Bishop of Rome." Hist. ii. 17. Sozomen in like manner, "for it was a sacerdotal law, to declare invalid whatever was transacted beside the will of the Bishop of the Romans." Hist. iii. 10. vid. Pope Damasus ap. Theod. Hist. v. 10. Leon. Epist. 14. &c. In the passage in the text the prerogative of the Roman see is limited, as Coustant observes, to the instance of Alexandria; and we actually find in the third century a complaint lodged against its Bishop Dionysius with the Pope. [Prolegg. ch. iv. §4.]
114 diataceij. St. Paul says outwj en taij ekklhsiaij diatassomai.1 Cor. vii. 17. ta de loipa diatacomai. Ibid. xi. 34. vid. Pearson, Vind. Ignat. p. 298. Hence Coustant in col. Athan. would suppose Julius to refer to 1 Cor. v. 4. which Athan. actually quotes, Ep. Encycl. §2. supr. p. 93. Pearson, loc. cit. considers the diataceij of the Apostles, as a collection of regulation and usages, which more or less represented, or claimed to represent, what may be called St. Paul's rule, or St. Peter's rule, &c. Cotelier considers the diatazeij as the same as the didaxai, the "doctrine" or "teaching" of the Apostles. Praefat. in Const. Apost. So does Beveridge, Cod. Can. Illustr. ii. 9. §5.
115 [Petri] in Sede sua vivit potestas et excellit auctoritas Leon. Serm. iii. 3. vid. contra Barrow on the Supremacy, p. 116. ed. 1836. "not one Bishop, but all Bishops together through the whole Church, do succeed St. Peter, or any other Apostle.
119 Musonian was originally of Antioch, and his name Strategius; he had been promoted and honoured with a new name by Constantine, for whom he had collected information about the Manichees. Amm. Marc. xv. 13, §1. In 354, he was Praetorian Prefect of the East. (vid. de Syn. 1, note 1.) Libanius praises him.
120 The Castrensians were the officers of the palace; castra, as stratopedon, infr. §86. being at this time used for the Imperial Court. vid. Gothofred in Cod. Theod. vi. 30. p. 218. Du Cange in voc.
123 [Prolegg. ch. ii. §8 (2) b.]
125 [Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (2) c. 1. and §8 (2) c.]
126 Vid. supr. p. 100, where Isauria, Thessaly, Sicily, Britain, &c., added. Also Theod. H. E. ii. 6. vid. p. 120 note 9 a.
129 Vid. supr. §36. infr. §87.
131 Vid. Bingham. Antiqu. V. ii. 5. &c. Gieseler Eccl. Hist. vol. I. p. 242. Bassi. Biblioth. Jur. t. l. p. 276. Bellarm. de C eric. 28.
133 Vid. Encycl. Letter, infr. §46.
134 It will be observed that this Letter is nearly a transcript of the foregoing. It was first printed in the Benedictine Edition.
137 Vid. Theod. Hist. ii. 6. Hil. Fragm. ii.
138 Asclepas, or Asclepius of Gaza, Epiph. Hoer. 69. 4. was one of the Nicene Fathers, and according to Theod. Hist. i. 27. was at the Council of Tyre, which Athan. also attended, but only by compulsion. According to the Eusebians at Philippopolis, they had deposed him [17 years previously, but the number must be corrupt, or the statement incorrect]. They state, however, at the same time, that he had been condemned by Athanasius and Marcellus, vid. Hilar. Fragm. iii. 13. Sozomen, Hist. iii. 8. says that they deposed him on the charge of having overturned an altar; and, after Athan. infr. §47, that he was acquitted at Sardica on the ground that Eusebius of Caesarea and others had reinstated him in his see (before 339). There is mention of a Church built by him in Gaza ap. Bolland. Febr. 26. Vit. L. Porphyr. n. 20. p. 648.
139 Perhaps Lucius of Hadrianople, says Montfaucon, referring to Apol. de Fug. §3. vid. also Hist. Arian. 19.
140 Theodulus, Bishop of Trajanopolis in Thrace, who is here spoken of as deceased, seems to have suffered this persecution from the Eusebians upon their retreat from Sardica, vid. Athan. Hist. Arian. §19. We must suppose then with Montfaucon, that the Council, from whom this letter proceeds, sat some considerable time after that retreat, and that the proceedings spoken of took place in the interval. Socrates, however, makes Theodulus survive Constans, who died 350. H. E. ii. 26.
141 The usual proceeding of the Arians was to retort upon the Catholics the charges which they brought against them, supr. §33, note 4. Accordingly, in their Encyclical from Philippopolis, they say that "a vast multitude had congregated at Sardica, of wicked and abandoned persons, from Constantinople and Alexandria; who lay under charges of murder, blood, slaughter, robbery, plunder, spoiling, and all nameless sacrileges and crimes; who had broken altars, burnt Churches, ransacked private houses," &c. &c. Hil. Fragm. iii. 19.
147 Vid. supr. §§13, note, and 36. About Stephanus, vid. infr. Hist. Arian. §20.
148 [For Macarius, read Arius.] These two Bishops were soon after the Council banished by Eusebian influence into upper Libya, where they suffered extreme ill usage vid. Hist. Arian. §18.
153 2 Cor. vi. 14, 2 Cor vi. 15.
155 In like manner the Council of Chalcedon was confirmed by as many as 470 subscriptions, according to Ephrem (Phot. Bibl. p. 801) by 1600 according to Eulogius (ibid. p. 877), i.e. of Bishops, Archimandrites. &c.
156 Hosius is called by Athan, the father and the president of the Council. Hist. Arian. 15. 16. Roman controversialists here explain why Hosius does not sign himself as the Pope's legate. De Marc. Concord. v. 4. Alber. Dissert. ix. and Protestants why his legates rank before all the other Bishops, even before Protogenes. Bishop of the place. Basnage, Ann. 347. 5. Febronius considers that Hosius signed here and at Nicaea, as a sort of representative of the civil, and the Legates of ecclesiastical supremacy. de Stat. Eccl. vi. 4. And so Thomassin, "Imperator velut exterior Episcopus: praefuit autem summus Pontifex, ut Episcopus interior." Dissert. in Conc. x. 14. The popes never attended in person the Eastern Councils. St. Leo excuses himself on the plea of its being against usage. Epp. 37. and 93. [Silvester's absence from Nic`a was due solely to extreme old age. But Sardica was a Western council.]
157 [The above names, with a few exceptions, comprise those present at the Council. See additional Note at the end of this Apology, where a list is given in alphabetical order of all bishops present, with their Sees.]
168 oi en tw kanaliw thj 'Italiaj. "Canalis est, non via regia aut militaris, verum via tranversa, quae in regiam seu basilicam influit, quasi aquae canalis in alveum." Gothofred. in Cod. Theod. vi. de Curiosis, p. 196. who illustrates the word at length. Du Cange on the contrary, in voc. explains it of "the high road." Tillemont professes himself unable to give a satisfactory sense to it. vol. viii. p. 685. [The word occurs in the XIth. Sardican canon, where the Greek version (Can. XX. in Bruns) glosses it kanaliw htoi parodw.]
170 Athan. says, supr. §1. that the Letter of the Council was signed in all by more than 300. It will be observed, that Athan.'s numbers in the text do not accurately agree with each other. The subscriptions enumerated are 284, to which 63 being added, made a total of 347, not 344. [The enumeration of Ath. includes many who signed long afterwards. Those `from Palestine' are simply the signatories of the synodal letter of 346, below §57. The number, 170 mentioned by Ath. Hist. Ar. 15 gives an orthodox majority of 20. See additional Note at end of this Apology, and Gwatkin, Studies, p. 121, note.]
172 Gothof. in Cod. Theod. viii. 5. p. 507.
174 "They acquainted Julius the Bishop of Rome with their case; and he, according to the prerogative (pronomia) of the Church in Rome, fortified them with letters in which he spoke his mind, and sent them back to the East, restoring each to his own place, and remarking on those who had violently deposed them. They then set out from Rome, and on the strength (qarrountej) of the letters of Bishop Julius, take possession of their Churches." Socr. ii. 15. It must be observed, that in the foregoing sentences Socrates has spoken of "(imperial) Rome." Sozomen says, "Whereas the care of all (khdemoniaj) pertained to him on account of the dignity of his see, he restored each to his own Church." iii. 8. "I answer," says Barrow, "the Pope did not restore them judicially but declaratively, that is, declaring his approbation of their right and innocence, did admit them to communion. ...Besides, the Pope's proceeding was taxed, and protested against, as irregular;. ...and, lastly, the restitution of Athanasius and the other Bishops had no complete effect. till it was confirmed by the synod of Sardica, backe by the imperial authority." Suprem. p. 360. ed. 1836.
176 Athan. here omits a paragraph in his own praise. vid. Socr. ii. 23.
179 [At Antioch September (?) 346. See Prolegg. ch. ii. §6 (3).]
180 Vid. Bingh. Antiqu. I v. 10.
181 Member of the Curia or Council.
182 Prefect of Egypt, vid. Vita Ant. 86, Fest. Ind. xvii.-xxiv.
189 Triberwn, Paul infr. Hist. Ar. 26.
191 [Gibbon, ch. xxi. note 108, doubts the fact of this recantation on the ground of the dissimilar tone of the two letters that follow. Newman explains that they treat Julius as `a superior,' Athanasius as `an equal;' but surely he was something more than an equal. Fear of Constans, and the desire to secure themselves from attack, would make it importer for them at any price to obtain the favour of the first bishop of the West. In order to do this they had to make their peace with Athanasius; but in doing so, they went no further than they could help.]
2 Ad. Ep. Aeg. §22. supr. §11.
3 [Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (1) ad fin.] Athan. speaks more openly against this arrangement. infr. §71.
4 [According to the tenses in the original the five months mark the date not of Alexander's death (April 17, 328), but of the renewed Meletian troubles. The settlement did not keep them quiet for five months. The terminus a quo of the five months is somewhat doubtful; but it certainly is not the Council of Nicaea, see §71, &c. Montf. Monit. in Vit. S. Athanasii, also Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (1) and ch. v. §3 a.]
7 palatinoi, vid. Apol. ad Const. §19.
8 Infr. §71 fin. Sozom. ii. 25.
9 stixaria, ecclesiastical. [See D.C.A. p. 1933.]
11 Suburb of Nicomedia, infr. §65.
14 Cf. de Syn. 16, [and Fest Ind. passim].
15 [Cf. the list of Mareotic clergy supr., p. 72. The three deacons of Alexandria are in the list, p. 71].
17 Dalmatius was the name of father and son, the brother and nephew of Constantine. Socrates, Hist. i. 27. gives the title of Censor to the son; but the Chron. Pasch. p. 531 (Dind.) gives it to the father. Valesius, and apparently Tillemont (Empereurs, vol. 4. p. 657) think Socrates mistaken. The younger Dalmatias was created Caesar by Constantine a few year before his death; and as well as his brother Hannibalian, and a number of other relatives, was put to death by the soldiery, on the death of Constantine. vid. Hist. Ar. 69. [Gwatkin, p. 108 note].
19 despota. Theod. H E. i. 5. init.
20 [The monh here is not a monastery in the later sense, but a village or cluster of cells. This intercepted letter demonstrates the existence of Meletian monks, of which there is other evidence also: (see below, Introd. to Vit. Ant. The objection of Weingarten to the genuineness of this letter is purely arbitrary)].
21 According to the system of government introduced by Diocletian and Constantine, there were thirty-five military commanders of the troops, under the Magistri militum, and all of these bore the name of duces or dukes; the comites, or counts, were ten out of the number, who were distinguished as companions of the Emperor. vid. Gibbon, ch. 17. Three of these dukes were stationed in Egypt [i.e. in the whole prefecture; one only in the province of Egypt in the narrower sense].
23 Vid. supr. p. 92, note 3; the (so-called) Apostolical Canon apparently referred to here, is Can. 27. according to Beveridge.
25 i.e. Meletian Bishops who had conformed; or, since they are not in the list, §71. Catholic Bishops with whom the conforming party were familiar; or Meletians after the return of Meletius. vid. Tillemont, Mem. vol. 8. p. 658.
26 On the "cursus publicus," vid. Gothofred. in Cod. Theod. viii. tit. 5. It was provided for the journeys of the Emperor, for persons whom he summoned, for magistrates, ambassadors, and for such private persons as the Emperor indulged in the use of it, which was gratis. The use was granted by Constantine to the Bishops who were summoned to Nicaea, as far as it went, in addition (though aliter Valesius in loc.) to other means of travelling. Euseb. v. Const. iii. 6. The cursus publicus brought the Bishops to the Council of Tyre. ibid. iv. 43. In the conference between Liberius and Constantius, Theod. Hist. ii. 13. it is objected that the cursus publicus is not sufficient to convey Bishops to the Council which Liberius proposes; he answers that the Churches are rich enough to convey their Bishops as far as the sea. Thus S. Hilary was compelled (data evectionis copia, Sulp. Sev. Hist. ii. 57.) to attend at Seleucia, as Athan. at Tyre. Julian complains of the abuse of the cursus publicus, perhaps with an allusion to these Councils of Constantius. vid. Cod. Theod. viii. tit. 5. 1. 12. where Gothofred quotes Liban. Epitaph. in Julian. vol. i. p. 569. ed. Reiske.) Vid. the well-known passage of Ammianus, who speaks of the Councils being the ruin of the res vehicularia Hist. xxi. 16. The Eusebians at Philippopolis say the same thing. Hilar. Frag. iii. 25. The Emperor provided board and perhaps lodging for the Bishops at Ariminum; which the Bishops of Aquitaine, Gaul, and Britain, declined, except three British from poverty. Sulp. Hist. ii. 56. Hunneric in Africa, after assembling 466 Bishops at Carthage, dismissed them without modes of conveyance, provision, or baggage. Victor Utic. Hist. iii. init. In the Emperor's letter previous to the assembling of the sixth Ecumenical Council, a.d. 678, (Harduin, Conc. t. 3. p. 1048 fin.) he says he has given orders for the conveyance and maintenance of its members. Pope John VIII. reminds Ursus, Duke of Venice (a.d. 876.), of the same duty of providing for the members of a Council, "secundum pios principes, qui in talibus munifice semper erant intenti." Colet. Concil. (Ven. 1730,) t. xi. p. 14.
27 stratopedon: vid. Chrys. on the Statues, p. 382, note 6. Gothofr. in Cod. Theod. vi. 32, 1. 1. Castra sunt ubi Princeps est. ibid. 35, 1. 15. also Kiesling. de Discipl. Cler. i. 5. p. 16. Beveridge in Can. Apost. 83. interprets strateia of any civil engagement as opposed to clerical.
30 [pwlhsh: i.e. palm them off on the church. Cf. Lat. venditare.]
35 [The `archbishop' is Meletius; this is the first occurence of the word; it evidently has not its later fixed sense. The historical allusion is obscure.]
36 A village on the Mareotic lake. vid. Socr. iv. 23. Athan Opp. ed. Pat. t. 3. p. 86-89.
37 [Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (1) sub. fin. and ch. v. §3a.]
40 Curiosus; the Curiosi (in curis agendis) were properly the overseers of the public roads, Du Cange in voc., but they became in consequence a sort of imperial spy and were called the Emperor's eyes. Gothofr. in Cod. Theod. t. 2. p. 194. ed. 1665. Constantius confined them to the school of the Agentes in rebus (infr. Apol. ad Const. §10.), under the Master of the Offices. Gothoft. ibid. p. 192.
45 xeir, infr. Apol. ad Const. §11.
46 On the different kinds of Ducenaries, vid. Gothofr. in Cod. Theod. XI. vii. 1. Here, as in Euseb. Hist. vii. 30. the word stands for a Procurator, whose annual pay amounted, to 200 sestertia, vid. Salmas. Hist Aug. t. l. p. 533. In like manner a Centenary is one who receives 100.
47 The title Patrician was revived by Constantine as a personal distinction. It was for life, and gave precedence over all the great officers of state except the Consul. It was usually bestowed on favourites, or on ministers as a reward of services. Gibbon, Hist, ch. 17. This Julius Constantius, who was the father of Julian, was the first who bore the title, with L. Optatus, who had been consul the foregoing year. Illustrissimus was the highest of the three ranks of honour. ibid.
48 [Sep. 8. 335 a.d.). See note on leap-year at the end of the table of Egyptian months, below, Introd. to Letters.]
49 Colluthus formed & schism on the doctrine that God was not the cause of any sort of evil, e.g. did not inflict pain and suffering. Though a Priest, he took on himself to ordain, even to the Priesthood [§12]. St. Alexander even seems to imply that he did so for money. Theod. H.E. i. 3. [Prolegg. ch. ii. §2.]
50 [Ath. had refused to attend a synod at Caesarea, a.d. 334. See Thdt. H.E. i. 28, Prolegg. ch. ii. §4. and D.C.B. ii. 315 b.]
51 Cf. Euseb. v. Const. ii. 48.
55 Perhaps president of the Council, cf. §20. [But see Prolegg. ch. ii. §5.]
58 Acts xxiv. 18, Acts xxiv. 19.
61 Vid. Encyc. §???, p. 43, note 2.
63 [i.e. Church, see D.C.A. s.v. Martyrium.]
64 That Chorepiscopi were real Bishops, vid. Bevereg. in Conc. Ancyr. Can. 13. Routh in Conc. Neocaes. Can. 13. referring to Rhabanus Maurus. Thomassin on the other hand denies that they were Bishops, Discipl. Eccl. i. 2. c. 1. [see D.C.A. s.v.]
65 Ten under each Presbyter. Vales ad Socr. Hist. i. 27. Ten altogether, Montfaucon in loc. with more probability; and so Tillemont, vol. 8. p. 20. [Six tillages are mentioned supr. §64, fin.]
66 It was against the Canon of Sardica, and doubtless against ancient usage, to ordain a Bishop for so small a village, vid. Bingham, Antiqu. II. xii., who, however, maintains by instances, that at least small towns might be sees. Also it was against usage that a layman, as Ischyras, should be made a Bishop. ibid. x. 4, &c. St. Hilary, however, makes him a Deacon. Fragm. ii. 16.
67 Dogs without owners, and almost in a wild state, abound, as is well known, in Eastern cities; vid. Psalm lix. 6, Psalm lix. 14, Psalm lix. 15. 2 Kings ix. 35, 2 Kings ix. 36. and for the view taken in Scripture of dogs, vid. Bochart, Hieroz. ii. 56 [and Dict. Bib. s.v.].
68 Catholicus, §14, Apol. Const. §10. [The mention, below, of `Augusti and Caesars' makes 337 the earliest likely date for this letter.]
69 Cf. §17. note 7 [Prolegg. ch. ii. §4.]
73 "Once in an entertainment, at which he (Constantine) received Bishops, he made the remark that he too was a Bishop; using pretty much these words in my hearing, 'You are Bishops of matters within the Church, I am appointed by God to be Bishop of matters external to it." Euseb. Vit. Const. iv. 23.
75 [See Bright, Hist. Writ. p. xii. note 3, and on the date of this letter, Prolegg. ch. v. §3 b, and note 6 below.]
76 June 17. a.d. 337 [see Gwatk. Stud., 136].
77 ephkouse gar aplwj. Montfaucon In Onomast. (Athan. t. 2. ad calc.) points out some passages in his author, where epakouein, like upakouein, means "to answer." vid. Apol. Const. §16 init. Orat. iii. 27 fin.
79 Here ends the second part of the Apology, as is evident by turning back to §58. (supr. p. 130) to which this paragraph is an allusion. The express object of the second part was to prove, what has now been proved by documents, that Valens and Ursacius did but succumb to plain facts which they could not resist. It is observable too from this passage that the Apology was written before their relapse, i.e. before a.d. 351 or 352. The remaining two sections are often after 357, as they mention the fall of Liberius and Hosius, and speak of Constantius in different language from any which has been found above. Introd. to Apol. Const. and Hist. Ar.]
81 Cf. Apol. Fug.; §5, and Hist. Ar. §45.
1 eusebeia, asebeia, &c., here translated "religion, irreligion, religious, &c. &c." are technical words throughout, being taken from S. Paul's text, "Great is the mystery of godliness," eusebeiaj, i.e. orthodoxy. Such too seems to be the meaning of "godly admonitions," and "godly judgments," and "this godly and well-learned man," in our Ordination Services. The Latin translation is "pius," "pietas." It might be in some respects suitably rendered by "devout" and its derivatives. On its familiar use in the controversy depends the blasphemous jest of Eudoxius, Arian Bishop of Constantinople, which was received with loud laughter in the Cathedral, and remained in esteem down to Socrates' day, "The Father is asebhj, as being without devotion, the Son eusebhz, devout, as paying devotion to the Father." Socr. Hist. ii. 43. Hence Arius ends his Letter to Eusebius with alhqwj eusebia. Theod. Hist. i. 4.
2 It appears that the Arians did not venture to speak disrespectfully of the definition of the Council till the date (a.d. 352) of this work, when Acacius headed them. Yet the plea here used, the unscriptural character of its symbol, had been suggested to Constantius on his accession, a.d. 337, by the Arian priest, the favourite of Constantia, to whom Constantine had entrusted his will, Theod. Hist. ii. 3; and Eusebius of Caesarea glances at it, at the time of the Council, in the letter to his Church, which is subjoined to this Treatise.
3 Alexander also calls them chameleons, Socr. i. 6. p. 12. Athanasius so calls the Meletians, Hist. Arian. §79. Cyril compares them to "the leopard which cannot change his spots." Dial. ii. init. t. v. i. Aub., Naz. Or. 28. 2. On the fickleness of the Arians, vid. infra, §4. &c. Orat. ii. 40. He says, ad Ep. Aeg. 6. that they considered Creeds as yearly covenants; and de Synod. §3. 4. as State Edicts. vid. also §14. and passim. "What wonder that they fight against their fathers, when they fight against themselves?" §37.
5 epixeirhma. and so Orat. i. §44. init. but infra. §25. epixeirhmata means more definitely reasonings or argumentations.
6 alogiaj; an allusion frequent in Athanasius, to the judicial consequence of their denying the Word of God. Thus, just below, n. 3. "Denying the Word" or Reason "of God, reason have they none." Also Orat. i. §35. fin. §40. init. §62. Orat. ii. §7. init. Hence he so often calls the Arians "mad" and "deranged;" e.g. "not aware how `mad' their `reason' is." Orat. i. §37.
11 Or ungodliness, aqeothtoj. Thus Aetius was called o aqeoj, the ungodly. de Synod. §6; and Axius complains that Alexander had expelled him and his from Alexandria, wj anqrwpouj aqeouj. Theodor. Hist. i. 4. "Atheism" and "Atheist" imply intention, system, and profession, and are so far too strong a rendering of the Greek. Since Christ was God, to deny Him was to deny God. The force of the term, however, seems to be, that, whereas the Son had revealed the "unknown God," and destroyed the reign of idols, the denial of the Son was bringing back idolatry and its attendant spiritual ignorance. Thus contr. Gent. §29. fin. he speaks of "the Greek idolatry as full of all Atheism" or ungodliness, and contrasts with it the knowledge of "the Guide and Framer of the Universe, the Father's Word," "that through Him `we may discern His Father,' and the Greeks may know `how far they have separated themselves from the truth.'" And Orat. ii. 43. he classes Arians with the Greeks, who "though they have the name of God in their mouths, incur the charge of `Atheism,' because they know not the real and true God, `the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ.'" (vid. also Basil in Eunom. ii. 22.) Shortly afterwards he gives a further reason for the title, observing that Arianism was worse than previous heresies, such as Manicheism, inasmuch as the latter denied the Incarnation, but Arianism tore from God's substance His connatural Word, and, as far as its words went, infringed upon the perfections and being of the first Cause. And so ad Ep. Aeg. §17. fin. he says, that it alone, beyond other heresies, "has been bold against the Godhead Itself in a mad way (manikwteron, vid. foregoing note), denying that there is a Word, and that the Father was always Father." Elsewhere he speaks more generally, as if Arianism introduced "an Atheism or rather Judaism `against the Scriptures,' being next door to Heathenism, so that its disciple cannot be even named Christian; for all such tenets are `contrary to the Scriptures;'" and he makes this the reason why the Nicene Fathers stopped their ears and condemned it. ad Ep. Aeg. §13. For the same reason he calls the heathen aqeoi, atheistical or ungodly, "who are arraigned of irreligion by Divine Scripture." contr. Gent. §14. vid. eidwlwn aqeothta. §46. init. Moreover, he calls the Arian persecution worse than the pagan `cruelties,' and therefore "a Babylonian Atheism," Ep. Encycl. §5. as not allowing the Catholics the use of prayer and baptism, with a reference to Dan. vi. 11, &c. Thus too he calls Constantius at heist, for his treatment of Hosius; oute ton qeon fobhqeij o aqeoj. Hist. Arian. 45. Another reason for the title seems to have lain in the idolatrous character of Arian worship `on its own shewing,' viz. as worshipping One whom they yet maintained to be a creature. [Prolegg. ch. it. §3 (2)a, sub. fin.]
12 A reference to Prov. xviii. 1. which runs in the LXX. "a man seeketh occasions, when desirous of separating himself from friends."
13 Apparently an allusion to Joh. xviii. 12. Elsewhere, he speaks of "the chief captain" and "the governor," with an allusion to Acts xxiii. 22-24. &c. Hist. Arian. §66. fin. vid. also §2. Apol. contr. Arian. §8. also §10. and 45. Orat. ii. §43. Ep. Encycl. §5. Against the use of violence in religion, vid. Hist. Arian. §33. 67. (Hil. ad Const. 1. 2.) On the other hand, he observes, that at Nicaea, "it was not necessity which drove the judges to" their decision, "but all vindicated the Truth from deliberate purpose." ad Ep. Aeg. 13.
14 diaqesij. vid. also Hist. Arian. §45. Orat. ii. §4. where Parker maintains without reason that it should be translated, "external condition." vid. also Theod. Hist. i. 4. init.
15 epispeirantoj tou diabolou, the allusion is to Matt. xiii. 25, and is very frequent in Athan., chiefly with a reference to Arianism. He draws it out at length, Orat. ii. §34. Elsewhere, he uses the image for the evil influences introduced into the soul upon Adam's fall, contr. Apoll. i. §15. as does S. Irenaeus, Haer. iv. 40. n. 3. using it of such as lead to back-sliding in Christians. ibid. v. 10. n. 1. Gregory Nyssen, of the natural passions and of false reason misleading them, de An. et Resurr. p. 640. vid. also Leon. Ep. 156. c. 2.
16 The Council did two things, anathematise the Arian positions (at the end of the Creed), and establish the true doctrine by the insertion of the phrases, "of the substance" and "one in substance." Athan. says that the Arians must not criticise the latter before they had cleared themselves of the former. Thus he says presently, that they were at once irreligious in their faith and ignorant in their criticism; and speaks of the Council negativing their formulae, and substituting those which were "sound and ecclesiastical." vid. also n. 4.
17 And so S. Leo "passim" concerning the Council of Chalcedon, "Concord will be easily established, if the hearts of all concur in that faith which, &c., no discussion being allowed whatever concerning any retractation," Ep Ep. 94. He calls such an act a "magnum sacrilegium," Ep. 157. c. 3. "To be seeking for what has been disclosed, to retract what has been perfected, to tear tip what has been laid down (definita), what is this but to be unthankful for what we gained?" Ep. 162. vid. the whole of it. He says that the attempt is "no mark of a peace-maker but a rebel." Ep. 164. c. 1. fin. vid. also Epp. 145, and 156, where he says, none can assail what is once determined, but "aut antichristus aut diabolus." c. 2.
19 qeomaxein, qeomaxoi. vid. Acts v. 39, Acts xxiii. 9. are of very frequent use in Athan. as is xristomaxoi, in speaking of the Arians, vid. infra passim. also antimaxomenoi tw owthri, Ep. Encycl. §5. And in the beginning of the controversy, Alexander ap. Socr. i. 6. p. 10. b.c.p. 12. p. 13. Theod. Hist. i. 3. p. 729. And so qeomaxoj glwssa, Basil. contr. Eunom. ii. 27. fin. xristomaxwn. Ep. 236. init. vid. also Cyril (Thesaurus, p. 19 e. p. 24 e.). qeomaxoj glwssa, is used of other heretics, e.g. the Manichees, by Greg. Naz. Orat. 45. §8.
20 i.e. "convicted themselves," infr. §18. init. eautwn aei kathgoroi, ad. Ep. Aeg. §6. i.e. by their variations, vid. Tit. iii. 11. autokatakritoj.
22 The party he is writing against is the Acacian, of whom he does not seem to have had much distinct knowledge. He contrasts them again and again in the passages which follow with the Eusebians of the Nicene Council, and says that he is sure that the ground they take when examined will be found substantially the same as the Eusebian. vid. §6 init. et alib. §7. init. §9. circ. fin. §10. circ. fin. §13. init. tote kai nun. §18. circ. fin. §28. fin [On Acacius see Prolegg. ch. ii. §8 (2) b.]
23 propinontej vid. de Syn. §14.
25 Hermas, Mand. ix., who is speaking immediately, as S. James, of wavering in prayer.
26 Thus S. Basil says the same of the Grecian Sects, "We have not the task of refuting their tenets, for they suffice for the overthrow of each other." Hexaem. i. 2. vid. also Theod. Graec. Affect. i. p. 707. &c. August. Civ. Dei, xviii. 41. and Vincentius's celebrated Commonitorium passim.
30 This is Athan.'s deliberate judgment. vid. de Sent. Dion. fin., ib. §24. he speaks of Arius's "hatred of the truth." Again, "though the diabolical men rave" Orat. iii. §8. "friends of the devil, and his spirits," Ad Ep. Aeg. 5. Another reason of his so accounting them, was their atrocious cruelty towards Catholics; this leads him elsewhere to break out: "O new heresy, that has put on the whole devil in irreligious doctrine and conduct!" Hist. Arias. §66, also Alexander, `diabolical,' ap Theod. Hist. i. 3, p. 731. `satanical,' ibid. p. 741. vid. also Socr. i. 9. p. 30 fin. Hilar. contr. Const. 17.
31 kataxrhstikwj. This word is noticed and protested against by Alexander, Socr. Hist. i. 6. p. 11 a. by the Semiarians at Ancyra, Epiph. Haer. 73. n. 5. by Basil. contr. Eunom. ii. 23. and by Cyril, Dial. ii. t. v. i. pp. 432, 3.
32 Vid. Ep. Aeg. 12. Orat. i. §5. 6. de Synod. 15, 16. Athanas. seems to have had in mind Socr. i. 6. p. 10, 11, or the like.
33 Vid. Orat. i. §38. The controversy turned on the question what was meant by the word `Son.' Though the Arians would not allow with the Catholics that our Lord was Son by nature, and maintained that the word implied a beginning of existence, they did not dare to say that He was Son merely in the sense in which we are sons, though, as Athan. contends, they necessarily tended to this conclusion, directly they receded from the Catholic view. Thus Arius said that He was a creature, `but not as one of the creatures.' Orat. ii. §19. Valens at Ariminum said the same, Jerom. adv. Lucifer. 18. Hilary says, that not daring directly to deny that He was God, the Arians merely asked `whether He was a Son.' de Trin. viii. 3. Athanasius remarks upon this reluctance to speak out, challenging them to present `the heresy naked,' de Sent. Dionys. 2. init. `No one,' he says elsewhere, `puts a light under a bushel; let them shew the world their heresy naked.' Ep. Aeg. 18. vid. ibid. 10. In like manner, Basil says that (though Arius was really like Eunomius, in faith, contr. Eunom. i. 4) Aetius his master was the first to teach openly (fanerwj), that the Father's substance was unlike, anomoioj, the Son's. ibid. i. 1. Epiphanius Haer. 76 p. 949. seems to say that the elder Arians held the divine generation in a sense in which Aetius did not, that is, they were not so consistent and definite as he. Athan. goes on to mention some of the attempts of the Arians to find some theory short of orthodoxy, yet short of that extreme heresy, on the other hand, which they felt ashamed to avow.
34 Deut. xiii. 18; Deut xiv. 1.
37 This is celebrated as an explanation of the Anomoeans. vid. Basil. contr. Eunom. ii. 20, 21. though Athan. speaks of it as belonging to the elder Arians. vid. Socr. Hist. i. 6.
38 i.e. what is your authority? is it not a novel, and therefore a wrong doctrine? vid. infr. §13. ad Serap. i. 3. Also Orat. i. §8. `Who ever heard such doctrine? or whence or from whom did they hear it? who, when they were under catechising, spoke thus to them? If they themselves confess that they now hear it for the first time, they must grant that their heresy is alien, and not from the Fathers.' vid. ii. §34. and Socr. i. 6. p. 11 c.
42 Vid. infr. §17 Orat. ii. §31. 71. Irenaeus calls the Son and Holy Spirit the Hands of God. Haer. iv, praef. vid. also Hilar. de Trin. vii. 22. This image is in contrast to that of instrument, organon, which the Arians would use of the Son. vid Socr. i. 6. p. 11, as implying He was external to God, whereas the word Hand implies His consubstantiality with the Father.
44 maqwn edidasken, implying the traditional nature of the teaching. And so S. Paul himself, 1 Cor. xv. 3, vid. for an illustration, supr. §5. init. also note 2.
48 Vid. infr. 20. Orat. i §31. ii. §§24, 28. 37. 40. iii. §§2. 60. de Synod §§18. 19. [Prolegg. ch. ii. §3(2)a.]
49 Vid. also infr. §20. de Synod. §17.
50 Vid. infr. §24. Orat. i. §15. fin. ii. §29. Epiph. Haer. 76. p. 951.
57 In like manner, `Men were made through the Word, when the Father Himself willed.' Orat. i. 63. `The Word forms matter as injoined by, and ministering to, God.' prostattomenoj kai utournwn. ibid. ii. §22. contr. Gent. 46. vid. note on Orat. ii. 22.
59 His argument is, that if the Son but partook the Father in the sense in which we partake the Son, then the Son would not impart to us the Father, but Himself, and would be a separating as well as uniting medium between the Father and us; whereas He brings us so near to the Father, that we are the Father's children, not His, and therefore He must be Himself one with the Father, or the Father must be in Him with an incomprehensible completeness. vid. de Synod. §51. contr. Gent. 46. fin. Hence S. Augustin says, `As the Father has life in Himself, so hath He given also to the Son to have life in Himself, not by participating, but in Himself. For we have not life in ourselves, but in our God. But that Father, who has life in Himself, begat a Son such, as to have life in Himself, not to become partaker of life, but to be Himself life; and of that life to make us partakers. Serm. 127. de Verb. Evang. 9.
61 `To say God is wholly partaken, is the same as saying that God begets.' Orat. i. §16. And in like manner, our inferior participation involves such sonship as is vouchsafed to us.
62 And so in Orat. ii. §19-22. `Though the Son surpassed other things on a comparison, yet He were equally a creature with them; for even in those things which are of a created nature, we may find some things surpassing others. Star, for instance, differs from star in glory, yet it does not follow that some are sovereign, and others serve, &c.' ii. 20. And so Gregory Nyssen contr. Eunom. iii. p. 132 D. Epiph. Haer. 76. p. 970.
63 Matt. xxv. 21, Matt xxv. 23, Matt. xxv. 34.
64 i.e. since it is impossible they can persist in evasions so manifest as these, nothing is left but to take the other sense of the word.
65 Paul of Samosata [see Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (2)a.]
66 The force lies in the word fusei, `naturally,' which the Council expressed still more definitely by `essence.' Thus Cyril says, `the term "Son" denotes the essential origin from the Father.' Dial 5. p. 573. And Gregory Nyssen, `the title "Son" does not simply express the being from another' vid. infra. §19.), but relationship according to nature. contr. Eunom. ii. p. 91. Again S. Basil says, that Father is `a term of relationship,' oikeiwsewj. contr. Eunom. ii. 24. init. And hence he remarks, that we too are properly, kuriwj, sons of God, as becoming related to Him through works of the Spirit. ii. 23. So also Cyril, loc. cit. Elsewhere S. Basil defines father `one who gives to another the origin of being according to a nature like his own;' and a son `one who possesses the origin of being from another by generation,' contr Eun. ii. 22. On the other hand, the Arians at the first denied that `by nature there was any Son of God.' Theod. H. E. i. 3. p. 732.
67 vid. Eusebius, in his Letter, supr. p. 73 sq.: also Socr. Hist. i 8. Epiphan. Haer. 69. n 8 and 15.
68 One of the characteristic points in Athanasius is his constant attention to the sense of doctrine, or the meaning of writers, in preference to the words used. Thus he scarcely uses the symbol omoousion, one in substance, throughout his Orations, and in the de Synod. acknowledges the Semiarians as brethren. Hence infr. §18. he says, that orthodox doctrine `is revered by all though expressed in strange language, provided the speaker means religiously, and wishes to convey by it a religious sense.' vid. also §21. He says, that Catholics are able to `speak freely,' or to expatiate, parrhsiazomeqa, `out of Divine Scripture.' Orat.i §9. §9. vid. de Sent. Dionys. §20. init. Again: `The devil spoke from Scripture, but was silenced by the Saviour; Paul spoke from profane writers, yet, being a saint, he has a religious meaning.' de Syn. §39, also ad Ep. ¦g. 8. Again, speaking of the apparent contrariety between two Councils, `It were unseemly to make the one conflict with the other, for all their members are fathers; and it were profane to decide that these spoke well and those ill, for all of them have slept in Christ.' §43. also §47. Again: `Not the phrase, but the meaning and the religious life, is the recommendation of the faithful.' ad Ep. ¦g. §9.
69 vid. Orat. iii. §35, and Isa. i. 22.
70 Vid. also Incarn. §17. This contrast is not commonly found in ecclesiastical writers, who are used to say that God is present everywhere, in substance as well as by energy or power. S. Clement, however, expresses himself still more strongly in the same way, `In substance far off (for how can the originate come close to the Unoriginate?), but most close in power, in which the universe is embosomed.' Strom. 2. circ. init. but the parenthesis explains his meaning. Vid. Cyril. Thesaur. 6. p. 44. The common doctrine of the Fathers is, that God is present everywhere in substance. Vid. Petav. de Deo, iii. 8. and 9. It may be remarked, that S. Clement continues `neither enclosing nor enclosed.'
71 6 In Almighty God is the perfection and first pattern of what is seen in shadow in human nature, according to the imperfection of the subject matter; and this remark applies, as to creation, so to generation. Athanasius is led to state this more distinctly in another connection in Orat. i. §21. fin. `It belongs to the Godhead alone, that the Father is properly (kuriwj) Father, and the Son properly (kuriwj) Son; and in Them and Them only does it hold that the Father is ever Father, and the Son ever Son.' Accordingly he proceeds, shortly afterwards, as in the text, to argue, `For God does not make men His pattern, but rather we men, for that God is properly and alone truly Father of His own Son, are also called fathers of our own children, for "of Him is every father-hood in heaven and on earth named,"' §23. The Semiarians at Ancyra quote the same text for the same doctrine. Epiphan. Haer. 73. 5. As do Cyril in Joan. i. p. 24. Thesaur. 32. p. 281. and Damascene de Fid. Orth. i. 8. The same parallel, as existing between creation and generation is insisted on by Isidor. Pel. Ep. iii. 355. Basil contr. Eun. iv. p. 280 A., Cyril Thesaur. 6. p. 43. Epiph. Haer. 69. 36. and Gregor. Naz. Orat. 20. 9. who observes that God creates with a word, Ps. cxlviii. 5, which evidently transcends human creations. Theodorus Abucara, with the same object, draws out the parallel of life, zwh, as Athan. that of being, einai. Opusc. iii. p. 420-422.
72 Vid. de Synod. §51. Orat. i. §15, 16. reusth. vid. Orat. i. §28. Bas. in Eun. ii. 23. rusin. Bas. in Eun. ii. 6. Greg. Naz. Orat. 28, 22. Vid. contr. Gentes, §41, 42; where Athan. without reference to the Arian controversy, draws out the contrast between the Godhead and human nature.
73 S. Cyril, Dial iv. init. p. 505 E. speaks of the qrulloumeh, and disclaims it, Thesaur. 6. p. 43. Athan. disclaims it, Expos. §1. Orat. i. §21. So does Alexander, ap. Theod. Hist. i 3. p. 743. On the other hand, Athanasius quotes it in a passage which he adduces from Theognostus, infr. §25. and from Dionysius, de Sent. D. §23. and Origen uses it, Periarchon, i. 2. It is derived from Wisd. vii. 25.
75 The title `Word' implies the ineffable mode of the Son's generation, as distinct from material parallels, vid. Gregory Nyssen, contr. Eunom. iii. p. 107. Chrysostom in Joan.Hom. 2. §4. Cyril Alex. Thesaur. 5. p. 37. Also it implies that there is but One Son. vid. infr. §16. `As the Origin is one essence, so its Word and Wisdom is one, essential and subsisting.' Orat, iv. 1. fin.
76 `Man,' says S. Cyril, `inasmuch as he had a beginning of being, also has of necessity a beginning of begetting, as what is from him is a thing generate, but. ...if God's essence transcend time, or origin, or interval, His generation too will transcend these; nor does it deprive the Divine Nature of the power of generating, that it doth not this in time. For other than human is the manner of divine generation; and together with God's existing is His generating implied, and the Son was in Him by generation, nor did His generation precede His existence, but He was always, and that by generation.' Thesaur. v. p. 35.
81 Jer. ii. 13. Vid. infr. passim. All these titles, `Word, Wisdom, Light' &c., serve to guard the title `Son' from any notions of parts or dimensions, e.g. `He is not composed of parts, but being impassible and single. He is impassibly and indivisibly Father of the Son ...for ...the Word and Wisdom is neither creature, nor part of Him Whose Word He is, nor an offspring passibly begotten.' Orat. i. §28.
85 Prov. viii. 22, and cf. Orat. ii. throughout
86 Eusebius of Nicomedia quotes it in his Letter to Paulinus, ap. Theodor. Hist. i. 5. And Eusebius of Caesarea, Demonstr. Evang. v. 1.
87 i.e. `Granting that the prima facie impression of this teat is in favour of our Lord's being a creature, yet so many arguments have been already brought, and may be added, against His creation, that we must interpret this text By them. It cannot mean that our Lord was simply created, because we have already shewn that He is not external to His Father.'
88 Serap. 2, 6. Sent. Dion §4.
95 peribombousin. So in ad Afros. 5. init. And Sent. D. §19. perierxontai peribombountej. And Gregory Nyssen. contr. Eun. viii. p. 234 C. wj an touj apeirouj taij platwnikaij kallifwniai peribombhseien. vid. also perierxontai wj oi kanqaroi. Orat iii. fin.
96 proswpa. vid. Orat. i. §54. ii. §8. Sent. D. 4. not persons, but characters; which must also be considered the meaning of the word, contr. Apoll. ii. 2. and 10; though it there approximates (even in phrase, ouk en diairesei proswpwn) to its ecclesiastical use, which seems to have been later. Yet persona occurs in Tertull. in Prax. 27; it may be questioned, however, whether in any genuine Greek treatise till the Apollinarians.
99 Sent. D. 9. Orat. 3, §§26-41.
100 [See de Incar. §54. 3, and note.]
102 Cf. Orat. ii. 6. [See also de Incar. §17.]
103 The main argument of the Arians was that our lord was a Son, and therefore was not eternal, but of a substance which had a beginning. [Prolegg. ch. ii. §3(2) a.] Accordingly Athanasius says, `Having argued with them as to the meaning of their own selected term "Son," let us go on to others, which on the very face make for us, such as Word, Wisdom, &c.'
107 Vid. supr. §1. note 2, bis.
108 alogoj, asofoj. Vid. infr., §26. This is a frequent argument in the controversy, viz. that to deprive the Father of His Son or substantial Word (logoj), is as great a sacrilege as to deny His Reason, logoj, from which the Son receives His name. Thus Orat i. §14. fin. Athan. says, `imputing to God's nature an absence of His Word (alogian or irrationality), they are most irreligious.' Vid. §19. fin. 24. Elsewhere, he says. `Is a man not mad himself, who even entertains the thought that God is word-less and wisdom-less? for such illustrations and such images Scripture hath proposed, that, considering the inability of human nature to comprehend concerning God, we might even from these, however poorly and dimly, discern as far as is attainable.' Orat. ii 32. vid also iii. 63. iv. 12. Serap. ii. 2.
110 These were among the original positions of the Arians; for the former, see above, note 1; the latter is one of those specified in the Nicene Anathema.
111 And so phgh chra. Serap. ii. 2. Orat. i. §14 fin. also it. §2, where Athanasius speaks as if those who deny that Almighty God is Father, cannot really believe in Him as a Creator. If the divine substance be not fruitful (karpogonoj), but barren, as they say, as a light which enlightens not, and a dry fountain, are they not ashamed to maintain that He possesses the creative energy?' Vid. also phgh qeothtoj, Pseudo-Dion. Div. Nom. c. 2. phgh ekprhghj, of the Son, Epiphan. Ancor. 19. And Cyril, `If thou take from God His being Father, thou wilt deny the generative power (karpogonon) of the divine nature so that It no longer is perfect. This then is a token of its perfection, and the Son who went forth from Him apart from time, is a pledge (sfragij) to the Father that He is perfect.' Thesaur. p. 37.
112 Arius said, as the Eunomians after him, that the Son was not really, but only called, Words and Wisdom, which were simply attributes of God, and the prototypes of the Son. Vid. Socr. i. 6. Theod. H.E.i. 3, and infr. Orat. ii.37, 38.
116 As the Arians took the title Son in that part of its earthly sense in which it did not apply to our Lord, so they misinterpreted the title Word also; which denoted the Son's immateriality and indivisible presence in the Father, but did not express His perfecttion. Vid. Orat. it. §34-36. contr. Gent. 41. ad Ep. Aeg. 16. Epiph. Haer. 65. 3. Nyss. in Eun. xii. p. 349. Origen (in a passage, however, of questionable doctrine), says, `As there are gods many, but to us one God the Father, and many lords, but to us one Lord Jesus Christ, so there are many words, but we pray that in us may exist the Word that was in the beginning, with God, and was God.' In Joan. tom. it. 3. `Many things, it is acknowledged, does the Father speak to the Son,' say the Semiarians at Ancyra, `but the words which God speaks to the Son, are not sons. They are not substances of God, but vocal energies; but the Son, though a Word, is not such, but, being a Son, is a substance.' Epiph. Haer. 73. 12. The Semiarians are speaking against Sabellianism, which took the same ground here as Arianism; so did the heresy of the Samosatene, who according to Epiphanius, considered our Lord as the internal Word, or thought. Haer. 65. The term word in this inferior sense is often in Greek rhma. Epiph. supr. and Cyril, de Incarn. Unig. init. t. v. i. p. 679.
117 `If they understood and acknowledged the characteristic idea (xarakthra) of Christianity, they would not have said that the Lord of glory was a creature.' Ad Serap. ii. 7. In Orat. i. §2, he says, Arians are not Christians because they are Arians, for Christians axe called, not from Arius, but from Christ, who is their only Master. Vid. also de Syn. §38. init. Sent. D. fin. Ad Afros. 4. Their cruelty and cooperation with the heathen populace was another reason. Greg. Naz. Orat. 25. 12.
118 All the titles of the Son of God are consistent with each other, and variously represent one and the same Person. `Son' and `Word,' denote His derivation; `Word' and `Image,' His Similitude; `Word' and `Wisdom,' His immateriality; `Wisdom' and `Hand,' His coexistence. `If He is not Son, neither is He Image' Orat. ii. §2. 'How is them Word and Wisdom, unless He be a proper offspring of His substance? ii. §22. Vid. also Orat. i. §20. 21. and at great length Orat. iv. §20, &c. vid. also Naz. Orat. 30. n. 20. Basil. contr. Eunom. i. 18. Hilar. de Trin. vii. 11. August. in Joan. xlviii. 6. and in Psalm. xliv. 5. Psalm (xlv.) 5.
127 Vid. a beautiful passage, contr. Gent. 42, &c. Again, of men, de Incarn. 3. 3; also Orat. ii. 78. where he speaks of Wisdom as being infused into the world on its creation, that it might possess `a type and semblance of its Image.'
128 diarragwsin, and so Serap. ii. fin. diarrhgnuwntai. de Syn. 34. diarrhgnuwsin eautouj. Orat. ii. §23. sparattetwsan eautouj. Orat. ii. §64. trizetw touj odontaj. Sent. D. 16.
133 By aiwn, age, seems to be meant duration, or the measure of duration, before or independent of the existence of motion, which is in measure of time. As motion, and therefore time, are creatures, so are the ages. Considered as the measure of duration, an age has a sort of positive existence, though not an ousia or substance, and means the same as `world,' or an existing system of things viewed apart from time and motion. Vid. Theod. in Hebr. i. 2. Our Lord then is the Maker of the ages thus considered, as the Apostle also tells us, Hebr. xi. 3. and God is the King of the ages, Tim. 1. 17. or is before all ages, as being eternal, or proaiwnioj. However, sometimes the word is synonymous with eternity; `as time is to things which are under time, so ages to things which are everlasting.' Damasc. Fid. Orth. ii. 1, and `ages of ages' stands for eternity; and then the `ages' or measures of duration may be supposed to stand for the ideai or ideas in the Divine Mind, which seems to have been a Platonic or Gnostic notion. Hence Synesius, Hymn iii. addresses the Almighty as aiwnotoke, parent of the ages. Hence sometimes God Himself is called the Age, Ciera. Alex. Hymn. Poed. iii. fin. or, the Age of ages, Pseudo-Dion. de Div. Nom. 5. p. 580. or again, aiwnioj. Theodoret sums up what has been said thus: `Age is not any subsisting substance, but is an interval indicative of time, now infinite, when God is spoken of, now commensurate with creation, now with human life.' Hoer. v. 6. If then, as Athan. says in the text, the Word is Maker of the ages, He is independent of duration altogether; He does not come to be in time, but is above and beyond it, or eternal. Elsewhere he says, 'The words addressed to the Son in the 144th Psalm, `Thy kingdom is a kingdom of all ages,' forbid any one to imagine any interval at all in which the Word did not exist. For if every interval is measured by ages, and of all the ages the Word is King and Maker, therefore, whereas no interval at all exists prior to Him, it were madness to say, "There was once when the Everlasting (aiwnioj) was not." Orat. i. 12. And so Alexander; `Is it not unreasonable that He who made times, and ages, and seasons, to all of which belongs `was not,' should be said not to be? for, if so, that interval in which they say the Son was not yet begotten by the Father, precedes that Wisdom of God which framed all things.' Theod. Hist. i. 4. vid also Basil de Sp. S. n. 14. Hilar. de Trin. xii. 34.
134 Herm. Mand. 1. vid. ad Afr. 5.
135 [Letter 39, and Prolegg. ch. iv. §4.] He calls it elsewhere a most profitable book. Incarn. 3.
136 Athan. here retorts, as it was obvious to do, the charge brought against the Council which gave occasion for this Treatise. If the Council went beyond Scripture in the use of the word `essence' (which however can hardly be granted), who made this necessary, but they who had already introduced the phrases, `the Son was out of nothing,' &c., &c.? `Of the essence,' and `one in essence,' were directly intended to contradict and supplant the Arian unscriptural innovations, as he says below, §20. fin. 21. init. vid. also ad Afros. 6. de Synod. §36, 37. He observes in like manner that the Arian agenhtoj, though allowable as uses by religious men, de Syn. §40. was unscriptural, Orat. i. §30, 34. Also Epiph. Hoer. 76. p. 941. Basil. contr. Eunom. i. 5. Hilar. contr. Const. 16. Ambros. Incarn. 80.
141 Hence it stands in the Creed, `from the Father, that is, from the essence of the Father.' vid. Eusebius's Letter, infr. According to the received doctrine of the Church all rational beings, and in one sense all beings whatever, are `from God,' over and above the fact of their creation; and of this truth the Arians made use to deny our Lord's proper divinity. Athan. lays down elsewhere that nothing remains in consistence and life, except from a participation of the Word, which is to be considered a gift from Him, additional to that of creation, and separable in idea from it; vid. above, §17, note contr. Gent. 42. de Incarn. 5. Man thus considered is, in his first estate, a son of God and born of God, or, to use the term which occurs so frequently in the Arian controversy, in the number, not only of the creatures, but of things generate, gennhta. This was the sense in which the Arians said that our Lord was Son of God; whereas, as Athan. says, `things originate, being works, cannot be called generate, except so far as, after their making, they partake of the begotten Son, and are therefore said to have been generated also; not at all in their own nature, but because of their participation of the Son in the Spirit.' Orat. i. 56. The question then was, as to the distinction of the Son's divine generation over that of holy men; and the Catholics answered that He was ec ousiaj, from the essence of God; not by participation of grace, not by resemblance, not in a limited sense, but really and simply, and therefore by an internal divine act. vid. below, §22. and infr. §31. [The above note has been modified so as to eliminate the erroneous identification of gennhtoj and genhtoj.]
144 When characteristic attributes and prerogatives are ascribed to God, or to the Father, this is done only to the exclusion of creatures, or of false gods, not to the exclusion of His Son who is implied in the mention of Himself. Thus when God is called only wise, or the Father the only God, or God is said to be unoriginate, agenhoj, this is not in contrast to the Son, but to all things which are distinct from God vid. Orat. iii. 8. Naz. Orat. 30, 13. Cyril. Thesaur. p 142. `The words "one" and "only" ascribed to God in Scripture,' says S. Basil, `are not used in contrast to the Son or the Holy Spirit, but with reference to those who are not God, and falsely called so.' Ep. 8. n. 3. Oil the other hand, when the Father is mentioned, the other Divine Persons are implied in Him, `The Blessed and Holy Trinity,' says S. Athan. `is indivisible and one in itself; and when the Father is mentioned, His Word is added, and the Spirit in the Son; and if the Son is named, in the Son is the Father, and the Spirit is not external to the Word.' ad Serap. i. 14.
145 Vid. also ad Afros. 4. Again, `"I am," to on, is really proper to God and is a whole, bounded or mutilated neither by aught before Him, nor after Him, for He neither was, nor shall be.' Naz. Orat. 30. 18 fin. Also Cyril Dial. i.p. 392. Damasc. Fid. Orth. i. 9. and the Seminarians at Ancyra, Epiph H§r. 73. 12 init. By the `essence,' however, or, `substance' of God, the Council did not mean any thing distinct from God, vid. note 3 infr. but God Himself viewed in His self-existing nature (vid. Tert. in Hermog, 3.), nay, it expressly meant to negative the contrary notion of the Arians, that our Lord was from something distinct from God, and in consequence of created substance. moreover the term expresses the idea of God positively, in contradistinction to negative epithets, such as infinite, immense, eternal, &c. Damasc. Fid. Orthod. i. 4. and as little implies any thing distinct from God as those epithets do.
150 Rom viii. 35, who shall separate.
156 vid. ad Afros. 5, 6. ad Serap. ii. 5. S. Ambrose tells us, that a Letter written by Eusebius of Nicomedia, in which he said, `If we call Him true Son of the Father and uncreate, then are we granting that He is one in essence, omoousion,' determined the Council on the adoption of the term. de Fid iii. n. 125. He had disclaimed `of the essence,' in his Letter to Paulinus. Theod. Hist. i. 4. Axius, however, had disclaimed omoousion already Epiph. Hoe. 69. 7. It was a word of old usage in the Church, as Eusebius of Caesarea confesses in his Letter, infr. Tertullian in Prax. 13 fin. has the translation `unius substantiae:' (vid. Lucifer de non Parc. p. 218.) as he has `de substantia Paris,' in Prax. 4. and Origen perhaps used the word, vid. Pamph. Apol. 5. and Theognostus and the two Dionysii, infr. §25, 26. And before them Clement had spoken of the enwsij thj monadikhj ousiaj, `the union of the single essence,' vid. Le Quien in Damasc. Fid. Orth. i. 8. Novatian too has `per substantiae communionem,' de Trinit. 31.
157 The Arians allowed that our Lord was like and tile image of the Father, but in the sense in which a picture is like the original, differing from it in substance and in fact. In this sense they even allowed the strong word aparallaktoj unvarying[or rather exact] image, vid. beginning of §20. which had been used by the Catholics (vid. Alexander, ap. Theod. Hist. i. 3. p. 740.) as by the Semiarians afterwards, who even added the words kat' ousian, or `according to substance.' Even this strong phrase, however, kat' ousian aparallaktoj eikwn, or aparallaktwj omoioj, did not appear to the Council an adequate safeguard of the doctrine. Athan. notices de Syn. that `like' applies to qualities rather than to essence §53. Also Basil. Ep. 8. n. 3. `while in itself,' says the same Father `it is frequently used of faint similitudes and falling very far short of the original.' Ep. 9. n. 3. Accordingly, the Council determined on the word omoousion as implying, as the text expresses it, `the same in likeness,' tauton th omoiwsei, that the likeness might not be analogical. vid. the passage about gold and brass, §23 below, Cyril in Joan. 1, iii. c. v. p. 302. [See below de Syn. 15, note 2.]
159 vid. Euseb.'s Letter, supr.
160 gennhma, offspring; this word is of very frequent occurrence in Athan. He speaks of it, Orat. iv. 3. as virtually Scriptural. Yet Basil, contr. Eunom. ii. 6-8. explicitly disavows the word, as an unscriptural invention of Eunomius. `That the Father begat we are taught in many places: that the Son is offspring we never heard up to this day, for Scripture says, "unto us a child is born, unto us a son is given."' c. 7. He goes on to say that `it is fearful to give Him names of our own to whom God has given a name which is above every name;' and observes that offspring is not the word which even a human father would apply to his son, as for instance we read, `Child, (teknon,) go into the vineyard,' and `Who art thou, my son?' moreover that fruits of the earth are called offspring (`I will not drink of the offspring of this vine'), rarely animated things, except indeed in such instances as, `O generation (offspring) of vipers.' Nyssen defends his brother, contr. Eunom. Orat. iii. p 105. In the Arian formula `an offspring, but not as one of the offsprings,' it is synonymous with `work' or `creature.' On the other hand Epiphanius uses it, e.g. Hoer. 76. n. 8. and Naz. Orat. 29. n. 2. Eusebius, Demonstr. Ev. iv. 2. Pseudo-Basil. adv. Eunom. iv. p. 280. fin.
167 sumbebhkoj. Cf. Orat. iv. 2. also Orat. i. 36. The text embodies the common doctrine of the Fathers. Athenagoras, however, speaks of God's goodness as an accident, `as colour to the body,' `as flame is ruddy and the sky blue,' Legat. 24. This, however is but a verbal difference, for shortly before he speaks of His being, to ontwj on, and His unity of nature, to monofuej, as in the number of episumbebhkota autw. Eusebius uses the word sumbebhkoj in the same way [but see Orat. iv. 2, note 8], Demonstr. Evang. iv. 3. And hence S. Cyril, in controversy with the Arians, is led by the course of their objections to observe. `There are cogent reasons for considering these things as accidents sombebhkota in God, though they be not.' Thesaur. p. 263. vid. the following note.
168 peribolh, and so de Syn. §34. which is very much the same passage. Some Fathers, however, seem to say the reverse. E.g. Nazianzen says that `neither the immateriality of God nor ingenerateness, present to us His essence.' Orat. 28. 9. And S. Augustine, arguing on the word ingenitus, says, that `not every thing which is said to be in God is said according to essence.' de Trin. v. 6. And hence, while Athan. in the text denies that there are qualities or the like belonging to Him, peri auton, it is still common in the Fathers to speak of qualities, as in the passage of S. Gregory just cited, in which the words peri qeon occur. There is no difficulty in reconciling these statements, though it would require more words than could be given to it here. Petavius has treated the subject fully in his work de Deo. i. 7-11. and especially ii. 3. When the Fathers say that there is no difference between the divine `proprietates' and essence, they speak of the fact, considering the Almighty as He is; when they affirm a difference, they speak of Him as contemplated by us, who are unable to grasp the idea of Him as one and simple, but view His Divine Nature as if in projection (if such a word may be used), and thus divided into substance and quality as man may be divided into genus and difference.
170 In like manner de Synod. §34. Also Basil, `The essence is not any one of things which do not attach, but is the very being of God.' contr. Eun. i. 10 fin. `The nature of God is no other than Himself, for He is simple and uncompounded.' Cyril Thesaur. p. 59. `When we say the power of the Father, we say nothing else than the essence of the Father.' August. de Trin. vii. 6. And so Numenius in Eusebius, `Let no one deride, if I say that the name of the Immaterial is essence and being.' Praep. Evang. xi. 10.
171 Athan.'s ordinary illustration is, as here, not from `fire,' but from `radiance,' apaugasma, after S. Paul [i.e. Hebrews[ and the Author of the Book of Wisdom, meaning by radiance the light which a light diffuses by means of the atmosphere. On the other hand Arius in his letter to Alexander, Epiph. Haer. 69. 7. speaks against the doctrine of Hieracas that the Son was from the Father as a light from a light or as a lamp divided into two, which after all was Arian doctrine. Athanasius refers to fire, Orat. iv. §2 and 10, but still to fire and its radiance. However we find the illustration of fire from fire, Justin. Tryph. 61. Tatian contr. Groec. 5. At this early day the illustration of radiance might have a Sabellian bearing, as that of fire in Athan.'s had an Arian. Hence Justin protests against those who considered the Son as `like the sun's light in the heaven,' which `when it sets, goes away with it,' whereas it is as `fire kindled from fire.' Tryph. 128. Athenagoras, however, like Athanasius, says `as light from fire,' using also the word aporroia, effluence: vid. also Orig. Periarch. i. 2. n. 4. Tertull. Ap. 21. Theognostus, quoted infr. §25.
173 As `of the essence' declared that our Lord was uncreate, so `one in essence' declared that He was equal with the Father; no term derived from `likeness,' even `like in essence' answering for this purpose, for such phrases might all be understood of resemblance or representation. vid. §20, notes 8, 9.
174 Athan. has just used the illustration of radiance in reference to `of the essence:' and now he says that it equally illustrates `one in essence;' the light diffused from the sun being at once contemporaneous and homogeneous with its original.
176 The point in which perhaps all the ancient heresies concerning our Lord's divine nature agreed, was in considering His different titles to be those of different beings or subjects, or not really and properly to belong to one and the same person; so that the Word was not the Son, or the Radiance not the Word, or our Lord was the Son, but only improperly the Word, not the true Word, Wisdom, or Radiance. Paul of Samosata, Sabellius [?], and Arius, agreed in considering that the Son was a creature, and that He was called, made after, or inhabited by the impersonal attribute called the Word or Wisdom. When the Word or Wisdom was held to be personal, it became the doctrine of Nestorius.
177 Athanasius elsewhere calls him `the admirable and excellent.' ad Serap. iv. 9. He was Master of the Catechetical school of Alexandria towards the end of the third century, being a scholar, or at least a follower of Origen. His seven books of Hypotyposes treated of the Holy Trinity, of angels, and evil spirits, of the Incarnation, and the Creation. Photius, who gives this account, Cod. 106, accuses him of heterodoxy on these points; which Athanasius in a measure admits, as far as the wording of his treatise went, when he speaks of his `investigating by way of exercise.' Eusebius does not mention him at all. [His remains in Routh, Rell. iii. 409-414.]
178 Vid. above §15. fin. `God was alone,' says Tertullian, `because there was nothing external to Him, extrinsecus; yet not even then alone, for He had with Him, what He had in Himself, His Reason.' in Prax. 5. Non per adoptionem spiritus filius fit extrinsecus, sed naturâ filius est. Origen. Periarch. i. 2. n. 4.
179 From Wisdom vii. 25. and so Origen, Periarch. i. 2. n. 5. and 9. and Athan. de Sent. Dionys. 15.
180 It is sometimes erroneously supposed that such illustrations as this are intended to explain how the Sacred Mystery in question is possible, whereas they are merely intended to shew that the words we use concerning it are not self-contradictory, which is the objection most commonly brought against them. To say that the doctrine of the Son's generation does not intrench upon the Father's perfection and immutability, or negative the Son's eternity, seems at first sight inconsistent with what the words Father and Son mean, till another image is adduced, such as the sun and radiance, in which that alleged inconsistency is seen to exist in fact. Here one image corrects another; and the accumulation of images is not, as is often thought, the restless and fruitless effort of the mind to enter into the Mystery, but is a safeguard against any one image, nay, any collection of images being supposed sufficient. If it be said that the language used concerning the sun and its radiance is but popular not philosophical, so again the Catholic language concerning the Holy Trinity may, nay must be, economical, not adequate, conveying the truth. not in the tongues of angels, but under human modes of thought and speech.
181 en gumnasia ecetasaj. And so §27. of Origen, chtwn kai gumnazwn. Constantine too, writing to Alexander and Arius, speaks of altercation, fusikhj tinoj gumnasiaj eneka. Socr. i. 7. In somewhat a similar way, Athanasius speaks of Dionysius writing kat' oikonomian, economically, or with reference to certain persons addressed or objects contemplated, de Sent. D. 6. and 26.
182 The Arians at Nicaea objected to this image, Socr. i. 8. as implying that the Son was a probolh, issue or development, as Valentinus taught. Epiph. Hoer. 69. 7. Athanasius elsewhere uses it himself.
183 By the Monarchy is meant the doctrine that the Second and Third Persons in the Ever-blessed Trinity are ever to be referred in our thoughts to the First as the Fountain of Godhead, vid. §15. note 9, and §19, note 6. It is one of the especial senses in which God is said to be one. Cf. Orat. iii. §15. vid. also iv. §1. `The Father is union, enwsin,' says S. Greg. Naz. `from whom and unto whom are the others.' Orat 42. 15. also Orat. 20. 7. and Epiph. Hoer. 57. 5. Tertullian, before Dionysius, uses the word Monarchia, which Praxeas had perverted into a kind of Unitarianism or Sabellianism, in Prax. 3. Irenaeus too wrote on the Monarchy, i.e. against the doctrine that God is the author of evil. Eus. Hist. v. 20. [see S. Iren. fragment 33, Ante-Nic. Lib.] And before him was Justin's work de Monarchia, where the word is used in opposition to Polytheism. The Marcionites, whom Dionysius presently mentions, are also specified in the above extract by Athan. vid. also Cyril. Hier. Cat. xvi. 3. Epiphanius says that their three origins were God, the Creator, and the evil spirit. Hoer. 42, 3. or as Augustine says, the good, the just, and the wicked, which may be taken to mean nearly the same thing. Hoer. 22. The Apostolical Canons denounce those who baptize into Three Unoriginate; vid. also Athan. Tom. ad Antioch. 5. Naz. Orat. 20. 6. Basil denies treij arxikai upostaseij, de Sp. S. 38. which is a Platonic phrase.
184 And so Dionysius Alex. in a fragment preserved by S. Basil, `If because the subsistences are three, they say that they are partitive, memerismenaj, still three there are, though these persons dissent, or they utterly destroy the Divine Trinity.' de Sp. S. n. 72. Athan. expresses the same more distinctly, ou treij upostaseij memerismenaj, Expos. Fid. §2. In S. Greg. Naz. we find ameristoz en memerismenoiz h qeothz. Orat. 31. 14. Elsewhere for mem. he substitutes aperrhgmenaj. Orat. 20. 6. apecenwmenaj allhlwn kai diespasmenaj. Orat. 23. 6. as infr. cenaj allhlwn pantapasi kexwrismenaj. The passage in the text comes into question in the controversy about the ec upostasewj h ousiaj of the Nicene Creed, of which infr. on the Creed itself in Eusebius's Letter.
186 The word triaj, usually translated Trinity, is first used by Theophilus, ad Autol. ii. 15. Gibbon remarks that the doctrine of `a numerical rather than a generical unity,' which has been explicitly put forth by the Latin Church, is favoured by the Latin language; triaj seems to excite the idea of substance, trinitas of qualities.' ch. 21. note 74. It is certain that the Latin view of the sacred truth, when perverted, becomes Sabellianism; and that the Greek, when perverted, becomes Arianism; and we find Arius arising in the East, Sabellius in the West. It is also certain that the word Trinitas is properly abstract; and expresses triaj or `a three,' only in an ecclesiastical sense. But Gibbon does not seem to observe that Unitas is abstract as well as Trinitas; and that we might just as well say in consequence, that the Latins held an abstract unity or a unity of qualities, while the Greeks by monaj taught the doctrine of `a one' or a numerical unity. `Singularitatem hanc dico (says S. Ambrose), quod Graece monothj dicitur; singularitas ad personam pertinet, unitas ad naturam.' de Fid. v. 1. It is important, however, to understand, that `Trinity' does not mean the state or condition of being three, as humanity is the condition of being man, but is synonymous with three persons. Humanity does not exist and cannot be addressed, but the Holy Trinity is a three, or a unity which exists in three. Apparently from not considering this, Luther and Calvin objected to the word Trinity, `It is a common prayer,' says Calvin: `Holy Trinity, one God, have mercy on us. It displeases me, and savours throughout of barbarism.' Ep. ad Polon. p. 796.
189 Col. i. 15, and Ps. cx. 3.
194 This extract discloses to us (in connexion with the passages from Dionysius Alex. here and in the de Sent. D.) a remarkable anticipation of the Arian controversy in the third century. 1. It appears that the very symbol of hn ote ouk hn, `once He was not,' was asserted or implied; vid. also the following extract from Origen, §27. and Origen Periarchon, iv. 28. where mention is also made of the ec ouk ontwn, `out of nothing,' which was the Arian symbol in opposition to `of the substance.' Allusions are made besides, to `the Father not being always Father,' de Sent. D. 15. and `the Word being brought to be by the true Word, and Wisdom by the true Wisdom;' ibid. 25. 2. The same special text is used in defence of the heresy, and that not at first sight an obvious one, which is found among the Arians, Prov. viii. 22. 3. The same texts were used by the Carbolics, which occur in the Arian controversy. e.g. Deut. xxxii. 6. against Prov. viii. 22. and such as Ps. cx. 3. Prov. viii. 25. and the two John x. 30. John xiv. 10. 4. The same Catholic symbols and statements are found, e.g. `begotten not made,' `one in essence,' `Trinity,' adiaireton, anarxon, aeigenej, `light from light,' &c. Much might be said on this circumstance, as forming part of the proof of the very early date of the development and formation of the Catholic theology, which we are at first sight apt to ascribe to the 4th and 5th centuries. [But see Introd. to de Sent. Dion.]
195 filoponou, and so Serap. iv. 9. [This place is referred to by Socr. vi. 13.]
196 a men wj zhtwn kai gumnazwn ergaye, tauta mh wj autou fronountoj dexesqw tij, alla twn proj erin filoneikountwn en tw zhtein, adewj orizwn apofainetai, touto tou filoponou to fronhma esti. 9alla. Certe legendum all' a, idque omnino exigit sensus. Montfaucon. Rather for adewj read a de wj, and put the stop at zhtein instead of dexesqw tij.
198 vid. supr. §4. Orat. i. §7. Ad Afros. 2, twice. Apol. contr. Arian. 7. ad Ep. Aeg. 5. Epiph. Hoer 70. 9. Euseb. Vit. Const. iii. 6. The Council was more commonly called megalh, vid. supr. §26. The second General Council, a.d. 381, took the name of ecumenical. vid. Can. 6. fin. but incidentally. The Council of Ephesus so styles itself in the opening of its Synodical Letter.
199 The profession under which the decrees of Councils come to us is that of setting forth in writing what has ever been held orally or implicitly in the Church. Hence the frequent use of such phrases as eggrafwj ezeteqh with reference to them. Thus Damasus, Theod. H. E. v. 10. speaks of that `apostolical faith, which was set forth in writing by the Fathers in Nicaea.' On the other hand, Ephrem of Antioch speaks of the doctrine of our Lord's perfect humanity being `inculcated by our Holy Fathers, but not as yet [i.e. till the Council of Chalcedon] being confirmed by the decree of an ecumenical Council' Phot. 229. p. 801. (eggrafwj, however, sometimes relates to the act of subscribing; Phot. ibid. or to Scripture, Clement. Strom. i. init. p. 321.) hence Athan. says ad Afros. 1. and 2. that `the Word of the Lord which was given through the ecumenical Council in Nicaea remaineth for ever;' and uses against its opposers the texts, `Remove not the ancient landmark which thy fathers have set' (vid. also Dionysius in Eus. H. E. vii. 7.), and `He that curseth his father or his mother, shall surely be put to death.' Prov. xxii. 28. Ex. xxi. 17. vid. also Athan. ad Epict. 1. And the Council of Chalcedon professes to `drive away the doctrines of error by a common decree, and renew the unswerving faith of the Fathers,' Act. v. p. 452. [t. iv. 1453 ed. Col.] `as,' they proceed, `from of old the prophets spoke of Christ, and He Himself instructed us, and the creed of the Fathers has delivered to us,' whereas `other faith it is not lawful for any to bring forth, or to write, or to draw up, or to hold, or to teach.' p. 456. [1460 ed. Col.] vid. S. Leo. supr. p. 5. note m. This, however, did not interfere with their adding without undoing. `For,' says Vigilius, `if it were unlawful to receive aught further after the Nicene statutes, on what authority venture we to assert that the Holy Ghost is of one substance with the Father, which it is notorious was there omitted?' contr. Eutych. v. init.; he gives other instances, some in point, others not. vid. also Eulogius, apud Phot. Cod. 23. pp. 829. 853. Yet to add to the confession of the Church is not to add to the faith, since nothing can be added to the faith. Leo, Ep. 124. p. 1237. Nay, Athan. says that the Nicene faith is sufficient to refute every heresy, ad Max. 5. fin. (also Leo. Ep. 54. p. 956. and Naz. Ep. 102. init.) excepting, however, the doctrine of the Holy Spirit; which explains his meaning.The Henoticon of Zeno says the same, but with the intention of dealing a blow at the Council of Chalcedon. Evagr. iii. 14. p. 345. Aetius at Chalcedon says that at Ephesus and Chalcedon the Fathers did not profess to draw up an exposition of faith, and that Cyril and Leo did but interpret the Creed. Conc. t. 2. p. 428. [t. iv. 1430, 1431 ed. Col. See this whole subject very amply treated in Dr. Pusey's On the Clause, And the Son, pp. 76 sqq.] Leo even says that the Apostles' Creed is sufficient against all heresies, and that Eutyches erred on a point `of which our Lord wished no one of either sex in the Church to be ignorant,' and he wishes Eutyches to take the plentitude of the Creed `puro et simplici corde.' Ep. 31. p. 857, 8.
201 agenhton. Opportunity will occur for noticing this celebrated word on Orat. i. 30-34. where the present passage is partly rewritten, partly transcribed. Mention is also made of it in the De Syn. 46, 47. Athanasius would seem to have been but partially acquainted with the writings of the Anomoeans, whose symbol it was, and to have argued with them from the writings of the elder Arians, who had also made use of it. [On Newman's unfortunate confusion of agenhton and agennhton, see Lightfoot, as quoted in the note on Exp. Fid. §1. Newman's reasons are stated in note 7 to Orat. i. 56.]
202 Montfaucon quotes a passage from Plato's Phaedrus, in which the human soul is called `unoriginate and immortal [246 a.];' but Athan. is referring to another subject. the Platonic, or rather the Eclectic [i.e. Neo-Platonic] Trinity. Thus Theodoret, `Plotinus, and Numenius, explaining the sense of Plato, say, that he taught Three principles beyond time and eternal, Good, Intellect, and the Soul of all,' de Affect. Cur ii. p. 750. And so Plotinus himself, `It is as if one were to place Good as the centre, Intellect like an immoveable circle round, and Soul a moveable circle, and moveable by appetite.' 4 Ennead. iv. c. 16. vid. Porphyry in Cyril. contr. Julian. viii. t. ult. p. 271. vid. ibid. i. p. 32. Plot. 3 Ennnead. v. 2 and 3. Athan.'s testimony that the Platonists considered their three upostaseij all unoriginate is perhaps a singular one. In 5 Ennead. iv. 1. Plotinus says what seems contrary to it, h de arxh agennhtoj, speaking of his tagaqon. Yet Plato, quoted by Theodoret, ibid. p. 749, speaks of eite arxhn eite arxaj.
203 epei malistai, oti malista, Orat. 1. §36. de Syn. §21. fin. otan malista, Apol. ad Const. 23. kai malista, de Syn. §42, 54.
205 And so de Syn. §46. `we have on careful inquiry ascertained, &c.' Again, `I have acquainted myself on their account [the Arians'] with the meaning of agenhton.' Orat. i. §30. This is remarkable, for Athan. was a man of liberal education, as his Orat. contr. Gent. and de Incarn. shew, especially, his acquaintance with the Platonic philosophy. Sulpicius too spears of him as a jurisconsultus, Sacr. Hist. ii. 50. S. Gregory Naz. says, that he gave some attention, but not much, to the subjects of general education, twn egkukliwn, that he might not be altogether ignorant, of what he nevertheless despised, Orat. 21. 6. In the same way S. Basil, whose cultivation of mind none can doubt, speaks slightingly of his own philosophical knowledge. He writes of his `neglecting his own weakness, and being utterly unexercised in such disquisitions;' contr. Eunom. init. And so in de Sp. §5. he says, that `they who have given time' to vain philosophy, `divide causes into principal, cooperative,' &c. Elsewhere he speaks of having `expended much time on vanity, and wasted nearly all his youth in the vain labour of pursuing the studies of that wisdom which God has made foolishness,' Ep. 223. 2. In truth, Christianity has a philosophy of its own. Thus in the commencement of his Vioe Dux Anastasius says, `It is a first point to be understood, that the tradition of the Catholic Church does not proceed upon, or follow, the philosophical definitions in all respects, and especially as regards the mystery of Christ, and the doctrine of the Trinity, but a certain rule of its own, evangelical and apostolical.' p. 20.
206 Four senses of agenhton are enumerated, Orat. i. §30. 1. What is not as yet, but is possible; 2. what neither has been nor can be; 3. what exists, but has not come to be from any cause: 4. what is not made, but is ever. Only two senses are specified in the de Syn. §46. and in these the question really lies; 1. what is, but without a cause; 2. uncreate.
207 Ballesqwsan para pantwn, Orat. ii. §28. An apparent allusion to the punishment of blasphemy and idolatry under the Jewish Law. vid. [Ex. xix. 13. and] reference to Ex. xxi. 17, in §27, note 2. Thus, e.g. Nazianzen: `While I go up the mount with good heart, that I may become within the cloud, and may hold converse with God, for so God bids; if there be any Aaron, let him go up with me and stand near. And if there be any Nadab or Abihu, or of the elders, let him go up, but stand far off, according to the measure of his purification. ...But if any one is an evil and savage beast, and quite incapable of science and theology; let him stand off still further, and depart from the mount: or he will be stoned and crushed; for the wicked shall be miserably destroyed. For as stones for the bestial are true words and strong. Whether he be leopard, let him die spots and all,' &c. &c. Orat. 28. 2.
208 The Arians argued that the word unoriginate implied originate or creature as its correlative, and therefore indirectly signified Creator; so that the Son being not unoriginate, was not the Creator. Athan. answers, that in the use of the word, whether; there be a Son does not come into the question. As the idea of Father and Son does not include creation, so that of creator and creature does not include generation; and it would be as illogical to infer that there are no creatures because there is a Son as that there is no Son because there are creatures.
209 The whole of this passage is repeated in Orat. i 32. &c. vid. for this particular argument, Basil also, contr. Eunom. i. 16.
211 John xiv. 9, John xiv. 10.
214 And so S. Basil, `Our faith was not in Framer and Work, but in Father and Son were we sealed through the grace in baptism.' contr. Eunom. ii. 22. And a somewhat similar passage occurs Orat. ii. §41.
215 uiopoioumeqa alhqwj. This strong term `truly' or `verily' seems taken from such passages as speak of the `grace and truth' of the Gospel, John i. 12-27. Again S. Basil says, that we are sons, kuriwj, `properly,' and prwtwj `primarily,' in opposition to tropikwj, `figuratively,' contr. Eunom. ii. 23. S. Cyril too says, that we are sons `naturally' fusikwj as well as kata xarin, vid. Suicer Thesaur. v. uioj. i. 3. Of these words, alhqwj, fusikwj, kuriwj, and prwtwj, the first two are commonly reserved for our Lord; e.g. ton alhqwj uion, Orat. ii. §37. hmeij uioi, ouk wj ekeinoj fusei kai alhqeia, iii. §19. Hilary seems to deny us the title of `proper' sons; de Trim. xii. 15; but his `proprium' is a translation of idion, not kuriwj. And when Justin says of Christ o monoj legomenoj kuriwj uioj, Apol. ii. 6. kuriwj seems to be used in reference to the word kurioj, Lord, which he has just been using, kuriologein being sometimes used by him as others in the sense of `naming as Lord,' like qeologein. vid. Tryph. 56. There is a passage in Justin's ad Groec. 21. where he (or the writer) when speaking of egw eimi o wn, uses the word in the same ambiguous sense; ouden gar onoma epi qeou kuriologeisqai dunaton, 21; as if kurioj, the Lord, by which `I am' is translated, were a sort of symbol of that proper name of God which cannot be given. But to return; the true doctrine then is, that, whereas there is a primary and secondary sense in which the word Son is used, primary when it has its formal meaning of continuation of nature, and secondary when it is used nominally, or for an external resemblance to the first meaning, it is applied to the regenerate, not in the secondary sense, but in the primary. S. Basil and S. Gregory Nyssen consider Son to be `a term of relationship according to nature' (vid. supr. §10, note 1.), also Basil in Psalm xxviii. 1. The actual presence of the Holy Spirit in the regenerate in substance (vid. Cyril, Dial 7. p. 638.) constitutes this relationship of nature; and hence after the words quoted from S. Cyril in the beginning of the note, in which he says, that we are sons, fusikwj, he proceeds, `naturally, because we are in Him, and in Him alone.' vid. Athan.'s words which follow in the text at the end of §31. And hence Nyssen lays down, as a received truth, that `to none does the term "proper," kuriwtaton, apply, but to one in whom the name responds with truth to the nature,' contr. Eunom. iii. p. 123. And he also implies, p. 117, the intimate association of our sonship with Christ's, when he connects together regeneration with our Lord's eternal generation, neither being dia paqouj, or, of the will of the flesh. If it be asked, what the distinctive words are which are incommunicably the Son's, since so much is man's, it is obvious to answer, idioj uioj and monogenhj, which are in Scripture, and the symbols `of the essence,' and `one in essence,' of the Council; and this is the value of the Council's phrases, that, while they guard the Son's divinity, they allow full scope, without risk of entrenching on it, to the Catholic doctrine of the fulness of the Christian privileges. vid. supr. §19, note.
217 Cf. contr. Gent. init. Incarn. 57. ad Ep. Aeg. 4. Vit. Ant. 16. And passim in Athan.
218 And so, Orat. ii. §32, kata touj muqeuomenouj gigantaj. And so Nazianzen, Orat. 43. 26. speaking of the disorderly Bishops during the Arian ascendancy. Also Socr. v. 10. Sometimes the Scripture giants are spoken of, sometimes the mythological.
220 The corrections were made before he could obtain the essay carefully and gratefully used, but his text is defective, especially and text of Sievers (Zeitsch. Hist. Theol. 1868), where he now from the accidental omission of one of the key-clauses of the finds them nearly all anticipated. Sievers' discussion has been whole (§17).
1 proswpou: but see also Newman's note 2 on de Decr. §14.
2 See Epiphanius, Hoer. lxviii. x. The arrangement is recognised as one of old standing in the sixth canon of Nicaea, `Let the old customs which exist in Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis remain in force, namely that the Bishop of Alexandria should have authority over all these regions; since this is also customary for the Bishop of Rome. Likewise also at Antioch and in the other prefectures (it is decreed) that their prerogatives should be maintained to those churches.' The canon points to the natural explanation of the arrangement: the bishops of the capitals began from a very early date to exercise a loosely defined but gradually strengthening supervision over those of the rest of the province. In particular, they came to exercise a veto (and latterly more than a veto) upon the appointments to the provincial sees (ei tij xwrij gnwmhj, ib.). The bishops of Alexandria as well as Rome had even at this date acquired something of the rank of secular potentates (dunasteia, Socr. vii. 11, hdh palai), but not to the extent to which it went later on (ib. 7. and supr. Apol. Ar. §9).
3 qerapeuein. For the word, cf. Hatch, Hibb. Lect. p. 80 note.
4 kat' oikonomian, as below §24. Cf. de Decr. §25, note 5. The word oikonomia has two main senses in Athanasius, both derived from the classical sense of management or dispensation, the adapting of means toward an end. (1) As in the present passage (cf. Origen in Migne XI. p. 17 b, oikonomikwj): a use which is the lineal ancestor of the ill-sounding word `economy' as a term in casuistry; (2) as applied to the Incarnation of our Lord, regarded as the Dispensation, the Divine Method for the salvation of mankind. This use is very frequent in St. Athanasius (compare Ep. Aeg. 2. and Orat. ii. 11), and in earlier Fathers from Ignatius (Eph. 18 ekuoforhqh upo Mariaj kat' oikonomian, where Lightfoot refers to a more detailed history of the word in his unpublished note on Eph. i. 10) downwards (references in Soph. Lex. s.v.).
5 See Westcott, Introduction to the Gospels, Appendix C, 5.
6 Cf. Orat. i. 48, note 7, and ii. 56, note 5.
7 This passage is somewhat differently rendered by Dr. Pusey in his letter on the Filioque (1876), p. 112.
8 The pantelwj somewhat qualifies the repudiation. Dionysius expressly maintained three Hypostases in the Holy Trinity, in contrast to the language of Rome (de Decr. 26 note 7a) and the later use of Athanasius himself. But see the Tom. ad Antioch. of 362, below, and supra p. 90, note 2. Dionysius of Rome repudiates treij memerismenaj upostaseij, while Dionysius of Alexandria (in Bas. de Sp. S.) maintains that unless three Hypostases be recognised, the divine Triad is denied.
9 As pointed out by Newman on De Decr. 25, note 9, Triaj and Monaj are concrete, Trinitas and Unitas abstract terms; so that while Trinitas (and Monaj) lend themselves to a Sabellian, Triaj and Unitas may be pressed into an Arian sense: but each pair of terms (Greek and Latin) holds the balance evenly between the opposite misinterpretations.
10 `To you' is omitted in the extract de Decr. 25.
11 It should be noted that Dionysius while assenting to this word, does not use it as his own.
12 Possibly to other bishops who had questioned his teaching (Routh, Rell. iii. p. 380).
14 The corrections were made before he could obtain the essay carefully and gratefully used, but his text is defective, especially and text of Sievers (Zeitsch. Hist. Theol. 1868), where he now from the accidental omission of one of the key-clauses of the finds them nearly all anticipated. Sievers' discussion has been whole (§17).
15 But our annalist gives May 3, while Fest Ind. gives May 2, the day solemnised in the Coptic Martyrologies (Mai, Script. Vett. vol. 4, part 2, pp. 29, 114), and doubtless the right one. Perhaps, if Athanasius died in the night of May 2-3, the former day might be chosen for his commemoration, while our annalist may still be literally exact.
16 See Tillera. viii. 719 sqq.
17 Corrected from §§5, 17. infr.; text `xvi.'
1 This heading, preserved in the Evagrian version, is probably the original one. Compare the statement to the same effect in Vit. Pachom. 63. The preface to the Evagrian version is important as bearing on the question of interpolation. It runs as follows: `Evagrius, presbyter, to his dearest son Innocent, greeting in the Lord. A word-for-word translation from one language to another obscures the sense and as it were chokes the corn with luxuriant grass. For in slavishly following cases and constructions, the language scarcely explains by lengthy periphrasis what it might state by concise expression. To avoid this, I have at your request rendered the Life of the blessed Antony in such a way as to give the full sense, but cut short somewhat of the words. Let others try to catch syllables and letters; do you seek the meaning.'
2 Cf 2 Kings iii. 11: the expression merely refers to personal attendance (contrast §§47, 93). The text is uncertain, as some mss., both Greek and Latin read, `was able to learn from him who was his attendant,' &c. The question of textual evidence requires further sifting. In support of the statement in the text we may cite Ap. c. Ar. 6, where Ath. is called `one of the ascetics,' which may, but need not, refer to something of the kind.
3 At Coma in Upper Egypt, see Sozom. i. 13.
4 Cf. St. Aug. de Doctr. Christ. Prologue.
9 arourai. The arura was 100 Egyptian cubits square, see Herod. ii. 168.
10 Or, perhaps, `in order that they (the villagers) might have no occasion to trouble himself and his sister,' i.e. on condition of future immunity from taxes, &c. (so Neander).
12 IIarqenwn: the earliest use of the word in this sense. Perhaps a house occupied by Virgins is implied in Apol. c. Ar. 15. But at this time virgins generally lived with their families. See D.C.A. 2021b (the reference to Tertullian is not relevant), Eichhorn, pp. 4, sqq., 28-30.
13 askhsj (so throughout the Vita).
14 Probably the word has in this place the sense of a monk's cell (D.C.A. 1220), as below, §39.
16 Matt. vi. 7; 1 Thess. v. 17.
17 Job xl. 16 (v. 11 LXX): the descriptions of behemoth and leviathan are allegorically referred to Satan, cf. Orat. i. 1, note 5. and below, §24, Ep. Aeg. 3.
20 For visible appearances of devils, see `Phantasms of the Living,' vol. 2, p. 266, &c. (Trübner, 1886).
23 Rom. viii. 3 andRom. viii. 4.
25 1 Cor. ix. 27; Ath. (with many fathers and uncials) appears to have read upopiazw, the reading which is followed by the Authorised Version.
34 Ps. cxviii. 10. Evagr. renders by 'vindicavi in eis.
36 Between the Nile and the Fayûm.
37 Compare c. Gent. 1, de Synod. 6.
44 Phil. iii. 13; Gen. xix. 26; Luke ix. 62.
45 Luke xvii. 21 (from memory).
48 James i. 20 andJames i. 15.
51 This is not quite the view of Athanasius himself, who regards the air as cleared of evil spirits by the Death of Christ, de Incar. xxv. 5: but Athan. does not mean that their power over the wicked is done away; nor does Antony ascribe to them any power over the Christian, see §§24, 28, 41.
54 Job xli. 18, Job xli. 19, Job xli. 20 (vv. 9-11, LXX.), see above §5, note 15.
59 Ibid. Job xli. 2. Cf. Job xl. 19-24.
62 etera anq' eterwn, as in de Incar. 11. 4.
72 Cf. de Incar. 3. 3, and passim.
74 This materialistic view of demons may be paralleled from Origen and other fathers (D.C.B. i. 809), but is not Athanasian. But it would be congenial to the Coptic mind; compare the story told by Cassian of the Monk Serapion, who, on being convinced that `God is a Spirit,' cried out, `You have taken my God from me' (and see D.C.B. 1. p. 120).
78 Compare below, §§59, 62, for examples. This quite goes beyond any teaching of Athanasius himself; at the same time it finds a point of contact in what he says about dreams in c. Gent. 30 (manteuomenoj kai progignwskwn), and about the soul's capacity for objective thought, ib. 33, de Incar. 17. 3.
82 Matt. xii. 19, cf. Isai. xlii. 2.
87 qeotokoj, as in Orat. iii. 14 (where see note 3).
100 `An important psychological observation.' (Schaff. Ch. Hist.)
104 Num. xxiv. 5, Num. xxiv. 6.
105 Matt. vi. 31; Luke xii. 29.
107 Martyred on Nov. 25, 311, cf. Eus. H.E. vii. 32.
109 See on this subject `Phantasms of the Living,' vol. 1, p. 480 sq (Trübner, 1886).
111 Mount Colzim, seven hours distant from the Red Sea, where an old cloister still preserves his name and memory (Schaff, Ch. Hist. Nic, p. 183).
119 1 Cor. iv. 5; Rom. ii. 16.
122 For similar cases, cf. `Phantasms of the Living,' vol. 2, p. 368, &c.
123 The same story is told (by Bede in his Life) of St. Cuthbert, who saw the soul of St. Aidan being carried to heaven. Amun was probably the recipient of the letter, No. 48 in this volume.
125 Xristoforoj, lit. Christ-bearing.
130 Isai. liv. 13; John vi. 45.
131 This was by no means universal among monks: Athan. argues to Dracontius (cc. 8, 9) against the monastic tendency to think little of the clergy. Here, he propounds the example of Antony for the imitation of the `peregrini fratres.'
133 Gen. xxxi. 5; 1 Sam. xvi. 12, xvii. 32.
134 July 25-27, 338, Fest. Ind. x.
136 Orat. ii. 23, &c. This was an argument much used against Arianism. Antony's arguments may be compared with those of Ath. in Ep. Aeg 13
137 This seems to imply Athanasius as the (real or ostensible) narrator.
138 Cf. c. Gent. 1, de Incar. 1, 41, 48. 7.
139 Cf. de Incar. 54. 3; 2 Pet. i. 4.
140 Cf. Plat. Phoedr. 274 B: but the resemblances is not close and the relation of this passage to the Phaedrus is probably mediate. I cannot see that the doctrine referred to here is necessarily different from that of Plotinus (Enn. IV. iii. 15).
141 Plotinus (Enn. V. i. 3) taught that the soul was, as it were, an image of Mind, as the uttered word is of the word in the soul (cf Philo. Vit. Mos. iii. 13).
142 It is certainly startling to find Antony, ignorant of Greek and of letters, reasoning with philosophers upon the doctrines of Neoplatonism. His whole life, excepting two short visits to Alexandria, had been spent out of ear-shot of such discussions. Yet it is not easy to say exactly how much a man of strong mind and retentive memory may have picked up from the conversation of those who visited him upon subjects so widely discussed as these speculations were.
147 The above argument with the philosophers runs upon the general lines of that of Athanasius c. Gent. The point which we miss here is the Euhemerism upon which Athanasius so strongly insists. This latter view would be naturally less congenial to Antony's mind than the view that the gods were merely demons.
149 Dan. iv. 19 (Da v. 16 (LXX).
150 Of Thmuis, the friend and correspondent of Athanasius: see below, §91.
151 Cf. below, `what the Arians are now doing.' This incidental notice of time fixes the date of the present passage. Weingarten in vain attempts to extract some other sense from the Greek, which is plainness itself. It also fixes the date of Antony's death to within two years of the troubles in question. The Benedictines refer the troubles to the intrusion of Gregory `in 341' (really 339), and the apparently unprecedented character ascribed to the outrages by Antony is in favour of this, as well as the fact (Encyc. 3) that in 339 the heathen are said to have offered sacrifice in the churches. But the latter is only in superficial agreement with the Greek text of the present passage, which speaks of Arian sunaceij at which heathen were impressed to be present, apparently to make some show of a congregation. The Evagrian version, indeed, adds that the Gentiles on this occasion also carried on idolatrous rites in the Church and polluted the baptisteries; but Evagrius is in the habit of interpolating little details from his own knowledge or opinion (e.g. 16, `Ita exorsus,' &c., 26, `qui vinctas hominum linguas solvebat,' 58, `qui effosso pro Christo oculo sub Maximiano,' &c.), and in this case appears to borrow from Encycl. 3. Again, the writer of the Vita was not present (`the bystanders' supra; `they troubled him;' `they asked him;' ...and infr. `those with him') when the Vision took place: but when, two years later, it was interpreted by events, he was in the company of those who had been with Antony at the time (infr. `then we all understood'). This (on the assumption of Athanasian authorship) excludes the year 339, when Athenasius fled to Italy, and compels us to refer the Vision to the troubles of 356 (Apol. Fug. 6, 7. Hist. Ar. 55, 56, Ep. ad Lucif.), after which Athanasius fled to the desert and was in the company of the monks. This conclusion is in independent agreement with (1) the fact, decisive by itself, that Antony is still alive in 345, when Nestorius became Prefect of Egypt (§86, note 3), i.e. six years after the troubles of 339; (2) the evidence that Antony was still living about 353 a.d. (Epist. Ammon. de Pachom. et Theod. 20, 21, in Act. SS. Mai. tom. iii. Appendix 70 C E, Tillemont vii. 123), and (3) the statement of Jerome (Chron.) that Antony died in 356. Against it Weingarten urges the prophecy of restored peace to the Church (infr.) as pointing to a time after the overthrow of Arianism. This is of little weight, for the prophecy expresses only what must have been the hope and belief of all. The prologue, which Tillemont (viii. 227) thinks must have been written in a time of peace at Alexandria, is not sufficiently explicit on the point to weigh against the plain sense of the present passage.
152 Cf. the Second Letter to monks (Letter 53).
157 In Hist. Ar. 14 the letter is sent not to Balacius but to Gregory, who died on June 26, 345 (Gwatkin, p. 105).
158 Nestorius was prefect `345-352' (Index to Fest. Letters, where the year `345' is from August 344 to August 345).
159 In the Hist. Ar. it is simply stated that Balacius was bitten by his own horse. The present passage looks like a more careful restatement.
160 Cf. John xix. 41; Matt. xxvii. 60.
162 Cf. St. Aug. Serm. 361. 12, D.C.A. p. 251.
163 The body of Antony was discovered `by a revelation' in 561, and translated to Alexandria. When the Saracens conquered Egypt it was transferred to Constantinople, and lastly in the tenth century was carried to Vienne by a French Seigneur. The first and last links of this history are naturally precarious. The trans. lation to Alexandria is vouched for by Victor of Tunis (Chron.) who was in the neighbourhood at the time.
164 Jerome, in his life of Paul of Thebes, relates that Antony received from Paul, and ever afterwards wore on festivals, his tunic of palm-leaves. If this `legacy more glorious than the purple of a king' (Vit. Paul. c. 13) had any existence, it would certainly not have been forgotten by Antony in disposing of his worldly goods. The silence of the Life of Antony throws discredit on Jerome's whole account of Paul.
3 Matt. xxiv. 24, Matt. xxiv. 25.
5 balletai, vid. p. 170, note 6.
6 Is. x. 14. LXX. cf. p. 202, note 8.
7 Vid. Job xli. 5; Job xl. 24. LXX.
14 Job xli. 13, Job v. 4. LXX. and cf. Orat. i. 1, and Vit. Ant. supr. p. 197, note 15.
17 Matt. viii. 29; Mark i. 24.
24 Vid. Prideaux, Conn. ii. 5. (vol. 3, p. 474. ed. 1725).
26 See Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (2) a.
34 [Probably Cyrenaica, see above, Introd. sub. fin.]
35 Cf. §23, and Apol. Const. 32.
41 Cf. de Syn. 12; Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (1), &c.
47 Of Nicomedia, see D.C.B. s.v.
52 Paulinus of Treveri, cf. supr. p. 130, note 10.
53 At Nicaea, as most of the others.
56 [Of Nisibis. See D.C.B. iii. p. 325 and foll.]
57 Prov. xii. 6; Prov. xv. 28; Prov. xii. 5.
58 Ap. ad Const. §28. Hist. Arian. §73, supr.
62 John i. 14; Ps. xciv. 11; John viii. 43, hkw, vid. Hipp. contr. Noet. 16. and de Syn. 16.
68 Joel ii. 25. [With this entire section, compare Socr. i. 5, de Decr. 6, de Syn. 15, Orat. i. 5. 6, ad Afros 5, Vit. Ant. 69, and the Depositio Arii.']
69 Cf. Ep. ad Jov. (Letter 56, below), 2. Theod. H. E. v. 9. p. 205, l. 17. vid. Keble on Primitive Trad. p. 122. 10. `Let each boldly set clown his faith in writing, having the fear of God before his eyes.' Conc. Chalced. Sess. 1. Hard. t. 2. 273. `Give diligence without fear, favour, or dislike, to set out the faith in its purity.' ibid. p. 285.
72 Rom. i. 25. supr. §4, and note on Or. i. 8, also Vit. Ant. 69.
73 John x. 30; John xiv. 9, and Or. i. 34, note.
79 Mark i. 24; Matt. viii. 29.
80 [Matt. iv. 3; Luke iv. 3. No existing text appears to bear out Athanasius in his insertion of the definite article.]
86 Vid. passage in Orat. ii. 39 fin.
88 Cf. Col. ii. 3, Col. ii. 9.
95 Orat. ii. 18-72; Prov. viii. 22.
103 Isa. i. 22, cf. Orat. iii 35, also de Decr. 10 end.
114 1 Tim. iv. 1; Tit. i. 14; 2 Tim. iii. 12.
120 Vid. Suicer Thes. in voc. mart. iii. [D.C.A. 1118 sqq.]
125 This apodeiciz or declaration is ascribed to S. Alexander (as faucon would explain it, supr. introd p. 222). Cf. Ap. Ar. 23, above, 18, 19. It should be observed that an additional reason for assigning this Letter to the year 356, is its resemblance in parts to the Orations which were written not long after. [This is not a strong reason there being no roof that the Orations were written early in the exile.]
133 10 [Cf. the doxology at the end of Apol. pro Fuga, and (with a difference) that of Hist. Ar. 80, contrasting that in de Decr. 32. Dr. Bright observes that Athan. `felt himself free to use both forrest although at Antioch they became symbols respectively of the Arianisers and the Orthodox.']
134 The corrections were made before he could obtain the essay carefully and gratefully used, but his text is defective, especially and text of Sievers (Zeitsch. Hist. Theol. 1868), where he now from the accidental omission of one of the key-clauses of the finds them nearly all anticipated. Sievers' discussion has been whole (§17).
135 But our annalist gives May 3, while Fest Ind. gives May 2, the day solemnised in the Coptic Martyrologies (Mai, Script. Vett. vol. 4, part 2, pp. 29, 114), and doubtless the right one. Perhaps, if Athanasius died in the night of May 2-3, the former day might be chosen for his commemoration, while our annalist may still be literally exact.
1 [cf. Acts xxvi. 2.] Constantius, though here called a Christian, was not baptized till his last illness, a.d. 361, and then by the Arian Bishop of Antioch, Euzoius. At this time he was 39 years of age. Theodoret represents him making a speech to his whole army on one occasion, exhorting them to Baptism previous to going to war; and recommending all to go thence who could not make up their mind to the Sacrament. H. E. iii. I. Constantius, his grandfather,had rejected idolatry and acknowledged the One God, according to Eusebius, V. Const. i. 14, though it does not appear that he had embraced Christianity.
6 Prolegg. ch. ii. §6 (3); cf. Lucifer. Op. p. 91. (ed. Ven. 1778.) Theod. H. E. ii. 13; infr. Hist. Arian. §50.
7 Vid. Apol. contr. Arian. passim.
11 Hist. Arian. 22. vid. Apol. Ar. 51. [`Pitybion' is Patavia, now Padua.]
13 All these names of Bishops occur among the subscriptions at Sardica. supr. Ap. Ar. 50. [See also D.C B. s. vv.] Leis is Lauda, or Laus Pompeia, hodie Lodi Vecchio; Ughelli, Ital. Sacr. t. 4. p. 656.
14 Or, master of the offices; one of the seven Ministers of the Court under the Empire; `He inspected the discipline of the civil and military schools, and received appeals from all parts of the Empire.' Gibbon, ch. 17. [cf. Gwatkin, p. 285.]
15 pro tou bhlou. The Veil, which in the first instance was an appendage to the images of pagan deities, formed at this time part of the ceremonial of the imperial Court. It hung over the entrance of the Emperor's bedchamber, where he gave his audiences. It also hung before the secretarium of the Judges. vid. Holman in voc. Gothofred in Cod. Theod. i. tit. vii. 1.
17 puktia, a bound book, vid. Montf. Coll. Nov. infr. Tillemont (t. viii. p. 86.) considers that Athan, alludes in this passage to the Synopsis Scr. Sacr. which is among his works; but Montfaucon, Collect. Nov. t. 2. p. xxviii. contends that a copy of the Gospels is spoken of. [cf. D.C. B. i. 651.]
19 Tillemont supposes that Constans was present at the Council of Milan [345], at which Eudoxius, Martyrius, and Macedonius, sent to the west with the Eusebian Creed, made their appearance to no purpose. [But this was long after the events related in the text, cf. Prolegg. ii. §6, sub. fin.]
20 [Easter 344, see Fest. Ind. xvi.] Naissus was situated in Upper Dacia, and according to some was the birthplace of Con stantine. The Bishop of the place, Gaudentius, whose name occurs among the subscriptions at Sardica, had protected S. Paul of Constantinople and incurred the anathemas of the Easterns at Philippopolis. Hil. Fragm. iii. 27.
23 [Prolegg. ch. ii. §5 fin., §6 (3).
26 [On Magnentius, see Prolegg. ch. ii. §7 sub. fin.; Gwatkin, Studies, p. 143 sa.]
28 Nepotian, the son of Eutropia, Constantine's sister, taken up arms against Magnentius, got possession of Rome, and enjoyed the title of Augustus for about a month. Magnentius put him to death, and his mother, and a number of his adherents, some of whom are here mentioned.
29 Bingh. Antiqu. xvi. 5. §5, &c.
30 Gen. iv. 12. LXX. vid. Hist. Ar. §7.
31 Vid. Chrys. in Eph. Nicene Lib., Series I. vol. xili. p. 58.
32 Sarbatius, or Servatius, and Maximus occur in the lists of Gallic subscriptions [supr. p. 127]. The former is supposed to be S. Servatius or Servatio of Tungri, concerning whom at Ariminum, vid. Sulp. Sev. Hist. ii. 59. vid. also Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc ii. 5. where however the Bened. Ed. prefers to read Aravatius, a Bishop, as he considers, of the fifth century.
35 1. The Rationales or Receivers, in Greek writers Catholici (logoqetai being understood, Vales. ad Euseb. vii. 10.), were the same as the Procurators (Gibbon, Hist. ch. xvii. note 148.), who succeeded the Provincial Quaestors in the early times of the Empire. They were in the department of the Comes Sacrarum Largitionum, or High Treasurer of the Revenue (Gothofr. Cod. Theod. t. 6. p. 327). Both Gothofr. however and Pancirolus, p. 134. Ed. 1623, place Rationales also under the Comes Rerum Privatarum. Pancirolus, p. 120. mentions the Comes Rationalis Summarum Aegypti as distinct from other functionaries. Gibbon, ch. xvii. seems to say that there were in all 29, of whom 18 were counts. 2. Stephanus, magistroj ekei. Tillemont translates, `Master of the camp of Egypt,' vol. viii. p. 137. 3. The Master of the offices or of the palace has been noticed above, p. 239, note 4. 4. agentishribouj, agentes in rebus. These were functionaries under the Master of the offices, whose business it was to announce the names of the consuls and the edicts or victories of the Empire. They at length became spies of the Court, vid. Gibbon, ch. xvii Gothofr. Cod. Th. vi. 27.
36 `Presbyterurn Eraclium mihi successorem polo. A populo acclamatum est, Deo gratias, Christo laudes; dictum est vicies terties. Exaudi Christe, Augustino vita; dictum est sexies decies. Te patrem, te episcopum; dictum est octies.' August. Ep. 213.
38 Vid. Rom. xvi. 22. Lucian is spoken of as the amanuensis of the Confessors who wrote to S. Cyprian, Ep. 16. Ed. Ben. Jader perhaps of Ep. 80. [Epp. 23, 79, Hartel.] S. Jerome was either secretary or amanuensis to Pope Damasus, vid. Ep. ad Ageruch. (123. n. 10. Ed. Vallars.) vid. Lami de Erud. 24, Ap. p. 258.
42 Prov. xvi. 13, Prov. xxv. 5.
44 Gen. xlii. 21; Gen. xxxi. 2.
49 [In the Casareum, see Hist. Ar. 55, and Fest. Ind. xxxviii. xl. It had been begun by Gregory, and was built at the expense of Constantius (infr. end of §18).]
51 S. Epiphanius mentions nine Churches in Alexandria. Hoer. 69. 2. Athan. mentions in addition that of Quirinus. Hist. Arian. §10. [See the plan of Larsow, appended to his Fest-briefe.] The Church mentioned in the text was built at the Emperor's expense; and apparently upon the Emperor's ground, as on the site was or had been a Basilica, which bore first the name of Hadrian, then of Licinius, Epiph. ibid. Hadrian had built in many cities temples without idols, which were popularly considered as intended by him for Christian worship, and went after his name. Lamprid. Vit. Alex. Sev. 43. The Church in question was built in the Coesareum. Hist. Arian. 74. There was a magnificent Temple, dedicated to Augustus, as epibathrioj, on the harbour of Alexandria, Philon. Legat. ad Caium, pp. 1013, 4. ed. 1691, and called the Coesareum. It was near the Emperor's palace, vid. Acad. des. Inscript. vol. 9. p. 416. [Vid. supr. note 5b, and cf. Apol. de Fuga 24.]
52 Bingham, Antiqu. xv. 3. §25. [D.C.A. 75.] Suicer, Thesaur. in voc. aumhn, Gavanti, Thesaur. vol. i. p. 89. ed. 1763.
59 logisth, auditor of accounts? vid. Demosth. de Corona, p. 290. ed. 1823. Arist. Polit. vi. 8.
60 Vid. Cod. Theod. vi. 30 [summer of 353 a.d. Prolegg. ch. ii. §7 fin.]
70 2 [August, 355 a.d. See Hist. Aceph. iii. Fest. Ind. xxv., xxvii.] Notaries were the immediate attendants on magistrates, whose judgments, &c., they recorded and promulgated. Their office was analogous in the Imperial Court. vid. Gothofred in Cod. Theod. VI. x. Ammian. Marcell. tom. 3. P. 464. ed. Erfurt, 1808. Pancirol. Notit. p. 143. Hofman in voc. Schari enumerates with references the civil officers, &c., to whom they were attached in Dissert. 1, de Notariis Ecclesoe, p. 49.
72 Vid. another translation of the Latin, Hist. Arian. §24.
74 kexrewsthmenhn vid. kratoush pistei, infr. §31.
75 The Mayor, Tillem. vol. viii. p. 152.
76 [Feb. 8, 356: cf. Apol. Fug. 24.]
79 Prov. xvi. 13. quoted otherwise, supr. §12.
80 [Probably the Libyan desert, as Const. was now in Italy.]
81 In this chapter he breaks off his Oratorical form, and ends his Apology much more in the form of a letter, vid, however twn logwn kairon, infr. §§34, 35 init. prosfwnhsw, §35.
82 Council of Milan 355, see Apol. Fug. 5.
83 Vid. Hist. Ar. §§31, 32, 54, 70, &c. [Prolegg. ch, ii. §8 (1).]
87 [Prolegg. Ch. ii. §§4, 7, 8 (1).]
88 That is, the prison. `The official books,' Montfaucon (apparently) in Onomast. vid. Gothofr. Cod. Theod. ix. 3. 1. 5. However, in ix. 30. p. 243. he says, Malim pro ipsa custodia accipere. And so Du Cange in voc., and this meaning is here followed, vid. supr. Apol. contr. Arian. §8, where commentarius is translated `jailor.'
89 On the reading, cf. infr. note 6.
90 twn xamai, vid. contr. Euseb. H.E. vii. 27.
91 Of Cappadocia, de Syn. 37, note 3.
92 h tou kreittonoj gnwsij, vid. ton kreittona, infr. And so in Arius's Thalia, the Eternal Father, in contrast to the Son, is called o kreittwn, ron kreittona, de Synod. §15. So again, qeon ton [onta] sunientaj, supr. §30, and sunetwn qeou in the Thalia, Orat. i. 5. Again, sofiaj echghtaj, supr. §30 and twn sofiaj metaxontwn, kata panta sofwn in the Thalia, ibid. And twn echghtwn touj akrouj eilesqe, supr. §30, and toutwn kat' icnoj hlqon in the Thalia.
93 kratoush, supr. §23, note 6.
95 Egypt was divided into three Provinces till Hadrian's time, Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis; Hadrian made them four; Epiphanius speaks of them as seven. Hoer. 68. i. By the time of Arcadius they had become eight. vid. Orlendini Orbis Sacer et Prof. vol. i, p. 118. vid. supr. Ency. §3, n. 2, Apol. Ar. §83.
97 Vid. Apol. de Fug. init.; Matt. x. 23.
99 2 Tim. i. 10; Rom. viii. 21.
100 Cf. Ep. Fest. i. 3, Ep. ad Amun, also de Incar. 27, 48, 51.
101 [Revillout (in the work quoted supr. p. 188), p. 479 sq. states the contrary with regard to Egypt. He refers to the opening of Plutarch's de Is. et Osir., also to Brunet de Presle Serapeum.]
102 A rack, or horse, Tillemont. vol. viii. p. 169.
106 Prov. xv. 1; Prov xvi. 13. vid. §27, note 1.
1 Leontius died in the summer of 357, probably before Ath. wrote.
4 John viii. 44; 1 Cor. vi. 10.
8 peribombein, Nic. Def. 14, note 1; Greg. Naz. Orat. 27. n. 2.
9 Vid. Hist. Arian. §4. also Theodoret Hist. i. 20. [Prolegg. ch. ii. §4.] The name of Euphration occurs de Syn. 17 as the Bishop to whom Eusebius of Caesarea wrote an heretical letter. Balaneae is on the Syrian coast. Paltus also and Antaradus are in Syria, and these persecutions took place about a.d. 338; that of Eutropius, and of Lucius his successor, about 331, shortly after the proceedings against Eustathius. Cyrus too was banished under pretence of Sabellianism about 338. For Asclepas, Theodulus, and Olympius vid. Hist. Arian. §19. and supr. Apol. Ar. 44, 45.
14 a.d. 350, infr. Hist. Arian. §4; for Cucusus, see D.C.B. i. 529, 530.
15 Hist. Arian. §15; Prov. xxx. 15.
22 [Nicae and Sardica are specially referred to, but see Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (1) note 5, sub. fin.]
23 [Apol. Ar. 89, Hist. Ar. 45, 357 a.d.]
25 Apol. Coast. 30, note 5, and reff.
26 [Comp. Encyc. §4. The present passage certainly appears to put the arrival of George in the Lent immediately following the irruption of Syrianus: but see Prolegg. ch. ii. §8 (1), note 5, below, Fest. Index,_xxix., and the explanation in Chron. Aceph. that the party of George took possession of the Churches (in June 356), eight months before George arrived in person. Cf. Introd. to Apol. Const.]
27 [Sunday, May 18, 357. The Roman martyrology celebrates these victims on May 21, which suits the reference of the present passage to 357.]
29 Ibid. §72 fin. Apol. Const. 27.
30 Ibid. and see Hist. Ar. §72.
31 Hieron. V. Hilar. §30. [Rather see Letter 49. 7, notes 3 (a and b), and Vit. Pachom. 72, where the same names occur together.]
32 Hieron. V. Hilar. §30. [Rather see Letter 49. 7, notes 3 (a and b), and Vit. Pachom. 72, where the same names occur together.]
42 Is. xlvii. 6; Ps. lxix. 26.
44 Achish, 1 Sam, xxi. 13 [but cf. title of Ps. xxxiv.]
45 1 Kings xviii. 15; Hist. Ar. §53.
47 Matt. x. 23; Matt. xxiv. 15.
51 John viii. 58, John viii. 59.
62 Ex. xxiii. 26; Gen. xxv. 8.
73 John xviii. 4, John xviii. 5.
78 1 Sam. xxvi. 10, 1 Sam. xxvi. 11.
80 i.e, Jeroboam 1 Kings xiii. 2.
85 Vid. Acts xxiii. 11. [The reference to the Roman martyrdom of the two great Apostles should be noted. The tradition is as old as Clem. Rom.; much older than that of the Roman Episcopate of one of them.]
97 Rom. viii. 35, Rom. viii. 37
104 Eccles. v. 8, Eccles. v. 9. LXX.
106 Ps. xxxvii. 40; Ps. xl. 1.
107 Vid. instances and passages collected in Pearson's Vind. Ignat. part ii. 0. 9; also Gibbon, ch. xvi. p. 428. Mosheim de Reb. Ante Const. p, 941. [See D.C.A. p. 1119 (3).]
113 Ps. cxxxvi. 1 [on psalmody at Alexandria, cf. Aug. Conf. x. 33.]
114 Deut. vi. 16; Matt. iv. 7.
115 Sent. Dion. 16. Hist. Ar. §§68. 72.
116 Hist. Arian. §28 [but see D.C.B. iii. 688].
117 [The bracketed passage is omitted by some good witnesses to the text. The respectful tone of the `Apology to Const.' is exchanged for cold reserve in this `Apology,' and for unmeasured invective in Hist. Ar.]
120 Vid. supr. Ep. Aeg. 20 infr. Hist. Arian. §§17. 34 fin. 41 init. 59 fin. 64 init. De. Decr. 16, note 5.
123 The corrections were made before he could obtain the essay carefully and gratefully used, but his text is defective, especially and text of Sievers (Zeitsch. Hist. Theol. 1868), where he now from the accidental omission of one of the key-clauses of the finds them nearly all anticipated. Sievers' discussion has been whole (§17).
124 But our annalist gives May 3, while Fest Ind. gives May 2, the day solemnised in the Coptic Martyrologies (Mai, Script. Vett. vol. 4, part 2, pp. 29, 114), and doubtless the right one. Perhaps, if Athanasius died in the night of May 2-3, the former day might be chosen for his commemoration, while our annalist may still be literally exact.
125 See Tillera. viii. 719 sqq.
7 Vid. Dan. vii. 5, Dan vii. 7.
8 Cf. §49. [The play on words cannot be rendered.]
11 If the common slander of the day concerning S. Helena was imputed to S. Eustathius Constantine was likely to feel it keenly. `Stabulariam,' says S. Ambrose, `hanc primo fuisse asserunt, sic cognitam Constantio.' de Ob. Theod. 42, Stabularia, i.e. an innkeeper; so Rahab is sometimes considered to be `cauponaria siva tabernaria et meretrix,' Cornel. a Lap. in Jos. ii. 1. ec omilioj gunaikoj ou semnhj oude kata nomon sunelqoushj. Zosim, Hist. ii. p. 78. Constantinus ex concubine Helena procreatus. Hieron. in Chron. Euseb. p. 773. (ed. Vallars.) Tillemont however maintains (Empereurs, t. 4. p. 613), and Gibbon fully admits (Hist. ch. 14. p. 190), the legitimacy of Constantine. The latter adds, `Eutropius (x. 2.) expresses in a few words the real truth, and the occasion of the error, "ex obscuriori matrimonio ejus filius."' [Cf. Soz. ii. 19.]
16 .[The text must be corrected thus; see Apol. Fug. 3.]
18 i.e. Constantia, Constantine's sister
19 Ap. Fug. 3. For the presence of Ath. at CP. in 337, see Prolegg. ii. §5 fin.]
20 [Cf. Prolegg. ch. ii. §6(1) note 3.]
21 Vicarius, i.e. `vicarius Praefecti, agens vicem Praefecti;' Gothofred in Cod. Theod. i. tit. 6. vid. their office, &c., drawn out at length, ibid. t. 6, p. 334.
22 Gen. iv. 12, LXX. supr. p. 241.
23 Given above, Apol. contr. Arian. §87.
4 Upon the Commission, Apol. Ar. 15.
7 [A misstatement, cf. supra pp. 91, 95, note 1.]
8 proqesmian, Apol. Ar. 25, note 6 [a.d. 340].
13 anecodwn, vid. infr. §60. Tillemont translates it, prisoners. Montfaucon has been here followed; vid. Collect. Nov. t. 2. p. xliii.
14 oson oudepw, as §32. George was pulled to pieces by the populace, a.d. 362. This was written a.d. 358, or later. [There is the common confusion in this note between Gregory and George. Greogory had died June 26, 345.]
17 Prov. ii. 13, Prov. ii. 14, LXX.
18 monhn. vid. supr. Ap. Ar. 29, note 2. This halt or station which lay up the Nile was called Cereu (V. Ant. §86), or Chaereu, or the land or property of Chaereas, vid. Naz. Orat. 21, 29, who says it was the place where the people met Athanasius on his return from exile on Constantius's death. [The incident is related differently in Vit. Ant. ubi supra: see note there.]
4 Vid. supr. pp. 127, note 10, and 147.
8 The word Palatium sometimes stands for the space or limits set apart in cities for the Emperor, Cod. Theod. XV. i. 47. sometimes for the buildings upon it, ibid. VII. x. 2, which were one of the four public works mentioned in the Laws. ibid. XV. i. 35. and 36. None but great officers of state were admitted into it. XV. i. 47. Even the judges might not lodge in it, except there was no Praetorium, VII. x. 2. Gothofr. in VII. x. 1 enumerates (with references) the Palatia in Antioch, Daphne, Constantinople, Hereclea, Milan, Treves, &c. It was a great mark then of imperial favour that the Eastern bishops were accommodated in the Palatium at Sardica.
10 Not found there, but in Apol. contr. Ar. §37, foll.
11 De Fabricis, Vid. Gothoft. in Cod. Thead. x. 21.
12 [Apparently on his way from Treveri (see 21, n. 3) back to Alexandria in 346.]
13 [See pp. 148, 128 note, and infr., Tom. ad Ant. §8. In the text Petrae is wrongly placed in Palestine. The slip is one of many in this tract; see Introd. above.]
14 Apol. Ar. 45, Apol. Fug. 3.
15 Of Tenedos, vid. Apol. Ar. 50, supr. §5.
18 This accounts for Ath.'s caution, Apol. Ar. 51, and below §21.
23 Bishop of Antioch, cf. §4, above.
24 [Between Easter and Midsummer 344.]
25 [Probably about August 344.]
26 [June 26, 345. Athanasius received some at least of the letters at Aquileia, where he spent Easter, 345 (Apol. Ar. 51, Fest. Ind. xvii.). He then went to see Constans at Treveri, apparently in May, 346 (Apol. Const. 4, Gwatkin, Stud. 127, n.). This compels us to assume that the first invitation to Ath. to return must have been wrung (infr. 49, 50) from Constantius before the death of Gregory. The statement in the text is therefore so far inexact, but the lung illness of Gregory must have made his death a matter of daily expectation, cf. Prolegg. ch. ii. §6 (3) fin.]
28 [Here for once Ath. speaks in the first person, cf. §§15, 26, 64, 69, and 51, note 2a.]
31 Apol. Ar. 54; Apol. Const. 5.
33 Vid. Apol. contr. Arian. §54.
35 Or Acta Publica, vid. supr. Ap. Ar. 56.
36 Another translation, Apol. Const. 23.
42 Paulinus, supr. pp. 130, 227.
1 On the suneisaktai, vid. [D. C. A. 1939 sqq. Bright, Notes on Canons, p. 839], Mosheim de Rebus Ante Const. p. 599, Routh, Reliqu. Sacr. t. 2. p. 606. t. 3. p. 445. Basnag. Diss. vii. 19. in Ann. Eccles. t. 2. Muratori, Anecdot. Graec. p. 218. Dodwell, Dissert. Cyrian. iii. Bevereg. in Can. Nic. 3. Suicer. Thesaur. in voc. &c. &c. It is conjectured by Beveridge, Dodwell, Van Espen, &c., that Leontius gave occasion to the first Canon of the Nicene Council, peri twn tolmwntwn eautouj ektemnein.
2 Can. Ap. 17. but vid. Morin. de Poen. p. 185.
3 After Sardica, vid. Apol. Ar. 50, note 10.
4 [351 a.d.] Cf. 2 Pet. ii. 22.
10 Cf. de Syn. 5, note. and above Ep. Aeg. 7.
11 John xix. 15, and Orat i. 8, note.
12 oson oudetw, above, 13; Const. died Nov. 3, 361 aged 45.
14 Vid. note on §67 [and Bright, Hist. Writings of Ath. p. lxviii. note 9].
19 Apol. Const. 27; Apol. Fug. 4, and below, §76.
22 Infr. §40, vid. Acts viii. 4; Phil. i. 13.
1 In contrast to date of his fall.
2 thn manian eceteinan; vid. ekteinai thn manian, §42. And so in the letter of the Council of Chalcedon to Pope Leo; which says that Dioscorus, kat' autou thj ampelou thn fulakhn para tou swthroj epitetrammenou thn manian eceteine, legomen dh thj shj osiothtoj. Hard. Conc. t. 2. p. 636. [Cf. Prolegg. ch. av. §4.]
3 By Romania is meant the Roman Empire, according to Montfaucon after Nannius. vid. Praefat. xxxiv. xxxv. And so Epiph. Hoer, lxvi, 1 fin, p. 618, and lxviii. 2 init. p. 728, Nil. Ep. i. 75. vid. Du Cange Gloss. Groec. in voc.
9 twn apastolwn diatacij, cf. §34.
10 Vid. Pallavicin. Conc. Trid. vi. 7. Sarpi. Hist. ii. 37.
11 [I Sam. xiii. 9. cf. D.C.A. 1132, s.v. Martyrium.]
12 Vid. Gibbon, Hist. ch. 19 init.
13 Ostia, vid. Gibbon, Hist. ch. 31, p. 303.
15 Matt. xvi. 16, allusion to Liberius? vid. Hard. Conc. t. 2. p. 305 E.
20 [But see Theodoret, Hist. ii. 16.]
26 This Hilary afterwards followed Lucifer of Calaris in his schism. He is supposed to be the author of the Comments on S. Paul's Epistles attributed to S. Ambrose, who goes under the name of Amurosiaster.
5 Of Nicaea and Sardica (Ap. Fug. 5).
6 i.e. two years before his fall.
7 Transferred by copyists hither.
8 [i.e. at Sardica, cf. Apol. Ar. 36.]
14 [The language of Hosius is figurative. The first mention of incense as a rite in Christian worship is in ps.-Dionys, about a.d. 500, cf. D.C.A. p. 830 sq.]
15 Vid. de Decr. 2, note 6. It is remarkable, this letter having so much its own character, and being so unlike Athanasius's writings in style, that a phrase characteristic of him should here occur in it. Did Athan. translate it from Latin?
16 o alhqws #Osioj. kataskopoi, on gar episkopoi, supr. §3. infr. §§48, 76 fin. and so alhqwj Eusebie, Theod. Hist. i. 4. 'Onhsimon, ton pote soi axrhston, nuni de euxrhston Philem. 10. De Syn. 26, note 6.
19 onte ton Qeon fobhbeij o aqeoj, oute ton patroj thn diaqesin aidesqeij o anosioj, oute to ghraj aisxunqeij o astorgoj.
23 Vid. in Apol. contr. Ar. and ad Const.
1 Ap. Const. 22, 24, below, §81.
4 kataskopon, ouk episkopoj, vid. §45, note 6.
5 [a.d. 350, cf. Gibbon Hist. ch. xviii. vol. ii. p. 378.]
7 George had been pork-contractor to the army, and had been detected in peculation. vid. de Syn. 37, note 3.
8 Constantine called the Arians by this title after the philosopher Porphyry, the great enemy of Christianity. Socrates has preserved the Edict. Hist. i. 9.
12 The amanuensis here appears to speak for himself: but the Benedictines, with great probability, conjecture tote kai for autoj te kai.
13 Ecclus. vii. 5 [Apol. Const. 2].
14 [This may well be taken as a statement of what ought to be; but in view of the history of the fourth century it can only be called a rhetorical exaggeration. See supr. §15, Apol. Ar. 36, ekeleusan, Prolegg. ch. ii. §6 (1) init., and D.C.A. p. 475, with reff. there given.]
15 oij an eqelwsi, and just before wn an eqeloi. [And more strikingly just below §53 fin. a qelonsi prattei, epei kai antoj aper hqelen hkouse par autwn.] This is a very familiar phrase with Athan. i.e. wj eqelhsen, aper eqelhsan, otan qelwsin, ouj eqelhsan, &c. &c. Some instances me given supr. Apol. Ar. 2, note 3, and de Syn. 13, note 6.
18 [Observe that George has not yet arrived. Heraclius arrived `was his precursor' (supr. §48) along with Cataphronius the new Prefect, on June 10, 356; see §55.]
19 twn ergasiwn,-trades, or workmen. vid. supr. Apol. Ar. 15 Montfaucon has a note upon the word in the Collect. Nov. t. 2. p. xxvi. where he corrects his Latin in loc. of the former passage very nearly in conformity to the rendering given of it above, p. 108. `In Onomastico monuimus, hic ergasiaj "officinarum operas" commodius exprimere.' And he quotes an inscription [C.I.G. i. 3924] touto to hrwon stefanoi h ergasia twn bafewn.
20 [i.e. Thursday, June 13, 356, three days after the arrival of Heraclius and Cataphronius. The church in question was apparently that of Theonas, or the Caesareum (p. 298). According to Hist. Aceph. the churches were formally handed over to the Arians on June 15, i.e. on the Saturday. The Hist. Aceph. here fits minutely the scattered notices of Athan.: see Prolegg. ch. ii. §8 (1).]
21 Catholicus, ib. 10, note 4.
22 twn agoraiwn, vid. Acts xvii. 5. agora has been used just above. vid. Suicer. Thesaur, in voc.
23 Vid. Fleury's Church History, xxii. 7. p. 129, note k. [Oxf. tr. 1843.] By specifying the material, Athan. implies that altars were sometimes not of wood. [cf. D.C.A. 61 sq.]
24 Curtains were at the entrance, and before the chancel. vid. Bingh. Autiqu. viii. 6. §8. Hofman. Lex. in voc. velum. also Chrysost. Hom. iii. in Eph.
25 The royal quarter in Alexandria vid. Apol. Const. 15. In other Palatia an aqueduct was necessary, e.g. vid. Cod. Theod. xv. 2. even at Daphne, though it abounded in springs, ibid. 1, 2.
26 Vid. Herodot. ii. 41. who says that cows and heifers were sacred to Isis. vid. Jablonski Pantheon Aeg. i. 1. §15. who says that Isis was worshipped in the shape of a cow, and therefore the cows received divine honours. Yet bulls were sacrificed to Apis, ibid. iv. 2. §9. also Schweighaeuser in loc. Herod.
27 Vid note on de Decr. §1. This is a remarkable instance of the special and technical sense of the words, eusebeia, asebountej, &c. being here contrasted with pagan blasphemy, &c.
30 [geta qallwn\ fallwn `pro vera lectione probabiliter haberi posse arbitror.' Montf. Coll. Nov. t. ii.]
31 [agoraion, see §§55, note 11, above.
32 Cf. Ep. Aeg. 17, and §31, note 8.
36 Vid. de Syn. 31, note 4, also Greg. Naz. Orat. 35. 3. Epiph. Haer. 69. 3. Theod. Hist. i. 3. (P. 730. ed. Schulze).
37 The mines of Phaeno lie almost in a direct line between Petrae and Zoar, which is at the southern extremity of the Dead Sea. They formed the place of punishment of Confessors in the Maximinian Persecution, Euseb. de Mart. Pal. 7, and in the Arian Persecution at Alexandria after Athan. Theod. H. E. iv. 19, p. 996. Phaeno was once the seat of a Bishopric, which sent a Bishop to the Councils at Ephesus, the Ecumenical, and the Latrocinium. vid. Reland. Palestine, pp. 951, 952. Montfaucon in loc. Athan. Le Quien. Or. Christ. t. 3. p. 745.
39 9Ermeian louonta touj anecodouj, Inauspicato verterat Hermantius, `qui angiportos non pervios lavabat;' Montfaucon, Coll. Nov. t. 2. p. xliii. who translates as above, yet not satisfactorily, epecially as there is no article before louonta. Tillemont says, `qui avait "quelle charge" dans la police de la ville,' understanding by anecodoi, `inclusi sive incarcerati homines;' whereas they are `ii qui ana taj ecodoujin exitibus viarum, stipem cogunt.' Montf. ibid. For the custom of washing the feet vid. Bingh. Antiqu. xii. 4. §10.
41 Luke xii. 33; Matt. xxv. 35, Matt. xxv. 40.
43 They would give money, but thought it wrong to gave food. Ath. was possibly unaware of this distinction. See Bright, Introd. to Hist. Tracts, p. lxxi. note 7.]
48 strathgou, infr. §81, note.
49 touj artouj [i.e. their stated allowance: see also Apol. Ar 18], the word occurs Encycl. 4, Apol. Fug. 6, supr. §§31, 54, in this sense: but Nannius, Hermant, and Tillemont, with some plausibility understand it as a Latin term naturalized, and translate `most cruel of all, with much insolence they tore the "limbs" of the dead,' alleging that merely to take away `loaves' was not so `cruel' as to take away `lives,' which the Arians had done [the parallels refute this, apart from linguistic grounds].
4 perierxetai, 1 Pet. v. 8. supr. §20, and ad Adelph. §2 fin.
6 Cf. Hist. Aceph. ix., de Syn. 12, Thdt. H. E. ii. 28.
7 In like manner the party of Dioscorus at the Latrocinium, or Eutychian Council of Ephesus, a.d. 449, kicked to death Flavian, Patriarch of Constantinople.
14 The early theory about persecution seems to have been this,-that that was a bad cause which `depended' upon it, but that, when a `cause' was good, there was nothing wrong in using force in due `subordination' to argument [so Pius IX. in Encycl. `Quanta cura,' speaks of the 'officium coercendi sancitis poenis violatores catholicae religionis]; that there was as little impropriety in the civil magistrate's inducing `individuals' by force, when they were incapable of higher motives, as by those secular blessings which follow on Christianity. Our Lord's kingdom was not of this world, that is, it did not depend on this world; but, as subduing, engrossing, and swaying this world, it at times condescended to make use of this world's weapons against itself. The simple question was `whether a cause depended on force for its existence.' S. Athanasius declared and the event proved, that Arianism was so dependent. When Emperors ceased to persecute, Arianism ceased to be; it had no life in itself. Again, all cruel persecution, or long continued, or on a large scale, was wrong, as arguing `an absence' of moral and rational grounds in the `cause' so maintained. Again, there was an evident `impropriety' in ecclesiastical functionaries using secular weapons, as there would be in their engaging in a secular pursuit, or forming secular connections; whereas the soldier might as suitably, and should as dutifully, defend religion with the sword, as the scholar with his pen. And further there was an abhorrence of cruelty natural to us, which it was a duty to cherish and maintain. All this being considered, there is no inconsistency in S. Athanasius denouncing persecution, and in Theodosius decreeing that `the heretical teachers, who usurped the sacred titles of Bishops or Presbyters,' should be `exposed to the heavy penalties of exile and confiscation.' Gibbon, Hist. ch. 27. For a list of passages from the Fathers on the subject, vid. Limborch on the Inquisition, vol. 1. Bellarmin. de Laicis, c. 21, 22, and of authors in favour of persecution, vid. Gerhard de Magistr. Polit. p. 741, &c. [But vide supr., Apol. Fug. 23: `persecution is a device of the devil;' see also Socr. vii. 3.]
21 A quotation from Homer, Od. xii. 118.
23 [See above, p. 134, note 8, and ref. there; also Gibbon, ch. xviii. vol. ii. p. 364 sqq.]
30 [This is `certainly false,' see Encyclop. Brit., art. Palmyra, p. 201, note 4.]
38 Vid. Hallier, de Ordin. part 2. i. 1, art. 2.
39 digunaioij, not digamoij. On the latter, vid. Suicer, Thess. in voc. digamia. Tertull. de Monogram.
41 An irregularly formed diminutive, or a quasi diminutive from Constantius, as Agathyllus from Agathocles, Heryllus from Heracles, &c. vid. Matth. Gr. Gramm. §102. ed. 1820. [Curtius, §347]
44 Constantius died at 45, having openly apostatized for about six years. Julian died at 32, after a reign of a year and a half. vid. supr. §32. vid. also Bellarmin. de Notis Eccl. 17 and 18.
45 Vid. de Decr. §32, note 8, Orat. ii. §32. Naz. Orat. 43, 26. Socr. Hist. v. 10, p. 268.
48 Cf. de Syn. §§1, 8, and Ep. Aeg. 7.
50 Epictetus above, p. 226, is called upokrithj, which Montfaucon translated `stage-player.' It is a question whether more than `actor' is meant by it, alluding to the mockery of an ordination in which he seems to have taken part. Though an Asiatic apparently by birth, he was made Bishop of Civita Vecchia. We hear of him at the conference between Constantius and Liberius. Theod. H. E. ii. 13. Then he assists in the ordination of Felix. Afterwards he made a martyr of S. Ruffinian by making him run before his carriage; and he ends his historical career by taking a chief part among the Arians at Ariminum. vid. Tillem. t. vi. p. 380. &c. Ughell. Ital. t. 10. p. 56.
51 The Greek is 'Epikthton tina ...newteron ...hgaphsen, orwn, k. t. l. So in the account of the neaniskoj, 9O de 'Ihsouj embleyaj autw, hgaphsen auton. Mark x. 21.
52 i.e. to keep up the canonical number; and cf. the case of Novatian, in Euseb. H. E. vi. 43. On the custom, vid. Bingh. Antiqu. ii. 11, §4.
54 Cf. Tillemont, Mem. t. 6. p. 778. Bolland. Catal. Pontif. ch. 21. p. 390. [Döllinger, `Fables respecting the Popes;' D.C.B. ii. 480. Felix figures in the middle ages as the orthodox rival of the `Arian' Liberius.]
73 anomwn, Cf. 2 Thess. ii. 8.
76 Histrionum genus, Montf. [The allusion is obscure. Epicrates was a comedian of the 4th. cent. b.c.]
82 [A somewhat characteristic phrase of Athanasius.]
85 Of the two Protests referred to supr. §48, the first was omitted by the copyists, as being already contained, as Montfaucon seems to say, in the Apology against the Arians; yet if it be the one to which allusion is made in the beginning of the Protest which follows, it is not found there, nor does it appear what document of a.d. 356 could properly have a place in a set of papers which end with a.d. 350.
89 Ap. Const. 25; Ap. Fug. 24.
90 Friday vid. Encyc. 4, note 9.
91 i.e. more than 5,000, Ap. Fig. 24.
92 strathgou. There were two strathgoi or duumvirs at the head of the police force at Alexandria; they are mentioned in the plural in Euseb. vii. 11, where S. Dionysius speaks of their seizing him. vid. Du Cange, Gloss. Graec. in voc.
93 strathgou. There were two strathgoi or duumvirs at the head of the police force at Alexandria; they are mentioned in the plural in Euseb. vii. 11, where S. Dionysius speaks of their seizing him. vid. Du Cange, Gloss. Graec. in voc.
94 ton thj tacewj, supr. §61, stratiwtou.
96 Since the Consuls came into office on the first of January, and were proclaimed in each city, it is strange that the Alexandrians here speak in February as if ignorant of their names. The phrase, however, is found elsewhere. Thus in this very year the Chron. Aceph. dates Jan. 5 as `post Consulatum Arbitionis et Loliani.' And in Socr. Hist. ii. 29, in the instance of the year 351, when there were no Consuls, and in 346, when there was a difference on the subject between the Emperors who were eventually themselves Consuls, the first months are dated in like manner from the Consuls of the foregoing year.
98 Feb. 12, Leap year; see note below, at the end of Introd. to Letters.
99 The corrections were made before he could obtain the essay carefully and gratefully used, but his text is defective, especially and text of Sievers (Zeitsch. Hist. Theol. 1868), where he now from the accidental omission of one of the key-clauses of the finds them nearly all anticipated. Sievers' discussion has been whole (§17).
1 epinohsasai. This is almost a technical word, and has occurred again and again already, as descriptive of heretical teaching in opposition to the received traditionary doctrine. It is also found passim in other writers. Thus Socrates, speaking of the decree of the Council of Alexandria, 362, against Apollinaris; `for not originating, epinohsantej, any novel devotion, did they introduce it into the Church, but what from the beginning the Ecclesiastical Tradition declared.' Hist. iii. 7. The sense of the word epinoia which will come into consideration below, is akin to this, being the view taken by the mind of an object independent of (whether or not correspondent to) the object itself. [But see Bigg. B. L. p. 168, sq.]
2 to gar ecelqein ...dhlon an eih, i.e. tw and so infr. §43. to de kai proskuneisqai ...dhlon an eih.
4 Vid. infr. §4 fin. That heresies before the Arian appealed to Scripture we learn from Tertullian, de Praescr. 42, who warns Catholics against indulging themselves in their own view of isolated texts against the voice of the Catholic Church. vid. also Vincentius, who specifies obiter Sabellius and Novation. Commonit. 2. Still Arianism was contrasted with other heresies on this point, as in these two respects; (1.) they appealed to a secret tradition, unknown even to most of the Apostles, as the Gnostics, Iren. Haer. iii. 1 or they professed a gift of prophecy introducing fresh revelations, as Montanists, de Syn. 4, and Manichees, Aug. contr. Faust. xxxii. 6. (2.) The Arians availed themselves of certain texts as objections, argued keenly and plausibly from them, and would not be driven from them. Orat. ii. §18. c. Epiph. Haer. 69. 15. Or rather they took some words of Scripture, and made their own deductions from them; viz. `Son,' `made,' `exalted,' &c. `Making their private irreligiousness as if a rule, they misinterpret all the divine oracles by it.' Orat. i. §52. vid. also Epiph. Haer. 76. 5 fin. Hence we hear so much of their qrullhtai fwnai, leceij, eph, rhta, sayings in general circulation, which were commonly founded on some particular text. e.g. infr., §22, `amply providing themselves with words of craft, they used to go about,' &c. Also anw kai katw periferontej, de Decr. §13. tw rhtw teqrullhkasi ta pantaxou. Orat. 2. §18. to poluqrullhton sofisma, Basil. contr. Eunom. ii. 14. thn poluqrullhton dialektikhn, Nyssen. contr. Eun iii. p. 125. thn qrulloumenhn aporrohn, Cyril. Dial. iv. p. 505. thn poluqrullhton fwnhn, Socr. ii. 43.
6 These Orations and Discourses seem written to shew the vital importance of the point in controversy, and the unchristian character of the heresy, without reference to the word omoousion. He has [elsewhere] insisted that the enforcement of the symbol was but the rejection of the heresy, and accordingly he is here content to bring out the Catholic sense, as feeling that, if persons understood and embraced it, they would not scruple at the word. He seems to allude to what may be called the liberal or indifferent feeling as swaying the person for whom he writes, also infr. §7 fin. §9. §10 init. §15 fin. §17. §21. §23. He mentions in Apollin. i. 6. one Rhetorius, who was an Egyptian, whose opinion, he says, it was `fearful to mention.' S. Augustine tells us that this man taught that `all heresies were in the right path, and spoke truth,' `which,' he adds, `is so absurd as to seem to me incredible.' Her 72. vid. also Philastr. Haer. 91.
9 Vid. Hil. de Trin. viii. 28; Rom. i. 25.
10 He seems to allude to Catholics being called Athanasians; vid. however next §. Two distinctions are drawn between such a title as applied to Carbolics, and again to heretics, when they are taken by Catholics as a note against them. S. Augustine says, `Arians call Catholics Athanasians or Homoüsians, not other heretics too. But ye not only by Catholics but also by heretics, those who agree with you and those who disagree, are called Pelagians; as even by heresies are Arians called Arians. But ye, and ye only, call us Traducianists, as Arians call us Homoüsians, as Donatists Macarians, as Manichees Pharisees, and as the other heretics use various titles.' Op. imp. i. 75. It may be added that the heretical name adheres, the Catholic dies away. S. Chrysostom draws a second distinction, `Are we divided from the Church? have we heresiarchs? are we called from many is there any leader to us, as to one there is Marcion, to another Manichaeus, to another Arius, to another some other author of heresy? for if we too have the name of any, still it is not those who began the heresy, but our superiors and governors of the Church. We have not "teachers upon earth,"' &c. in Act. Ap. Hom. 33 fin.
11 Vid. foregoing note. Also, `Let us become His disciples, and learn to live according to Christianity; for whoso is called by other name besides this, is not of God.' Ignat ad Magn. 10. Hegesippus speaks of `Menandrians, and Marcionites, and Carpocratians, and Valentinians, and Basilidians, and Saturnilians,' who `each in his own way and that a different one brought in his own doctrine.' Euseb. Hist. iv. 22. `There are, and there have been, my friends, many who have taught atheistic and blasphemous words and deeds, coming in the name of Jesus; and they are called by us from the appellation of the men, whence each doctrine and opinion began. ...Some are called Marcians, others Valentinians, others Basilidians, others Saturnilians,' &c. Justin. Tryph. 35. Iren. Haer. i. 23. `When men are called Phrygians, or Novatians, or Valentinians, or Marcionites, or Anthropians, or by any other name, they cease to be Christians; for they have lost Christ's Name, and clothe themselves in human and foreign titles.' Lact. Inst. iv. 30. `A. How are you a Christian, to whom it is not even granted to bear the name of Christian? for you are not called Christian but Marcionite. M. And you are called of the Catholic Church; therefore ye are not Christians either. A. Did we profess man's name, you would have spoken to the point; but if we are called from being all over the world, what is there bad in this?' Adamant. Dial. §1, p. 809. Epiph. Haer. 42. p. 366. ibid. 70. 15. vid. also Haer. 75. 6 fin. Cyril Cat. xviii. 26. `Christian is my name, Catholic my surname.' Pacian. Ep. 1. `If you ever hear those who are called Christians, named, not from the Lord Jesus Christ, but from some one else, say Marcionites, Valentinians, Mountaineers, Campestrians, know that it is not Christ's Church, but the synagogue of Antichrist.' Jerom. adv. Lucif. fin.
12 Vid. de Syn. 12. [Prolegg. ch. ii. §2.]
13 de Syn. 13, note 4. Manes also was called mad; `Thou must hate all heretics, but especially him who even in name is a maniac.' Cyril. Catech. vi. 20, vid. also ibid. 24 fin.-a play upon the name, vid. de Syn. 26, `Scotinus.'
15 It is very difficult to gain a clear idea of the character of Arius. [Prolegg. ch. ii. §2.] Epiphanius's account of Arius is as follows:-`From elation of mind the old man swerved from the mark. He was in stature very tall, downcast in visage, with manners like wily serpent, captivating to every guileless heart by that same crafty bearing. For ever habited in cloke and vest, he was pleasant of address, ever persuading souls and flattering; wherefore what was his very first work but to withdraw from the Church in one body as many as seven hundred women who professed virginity.?' Haer. 69. 3, cf. ib. §9 for a strange description of Arius attributed to Constantine, also printed in the collections of councils: Hard. i. 457.
18 And so godless or atheist Aetius, de Syn. 6, note 3, cf. note on de Decr. 1, for an explanation of the word. In like manner Athan. says, ad Serap. iii. 2, that if a man says `that the Son is a creature, who is word and Wisdom, and the Expression, and the Radiance, whom whoso seeth seeth the Father,' he falls under the text, `Whoso denieth the Son, the same hath not the Father.' `Such a one,' he continues, `will in no long time say, as the fool, There is no God.' In like manner he speaks of those who think the Son to be the Spirit as `without (ecw) the Holy Trinity, and atheists' (Serap. iv. 6), because they really do not believe in the God that is, and there is none other but He. Cf. also Serap. i. 30. Eustathius speaks of the Arians as anqrwpouj aqeouj, who were attempting krathsai tou qeiou. ap. Theod. Hist. i. 7. p. 760. Naz. speaks of the heathen poluqeoj aqeia. Orat. 25. 15. and he calls faith and regeneration `a denial of atheism, aqeiaj, and a confession of godhead, qeothtoj,' Orat. 23. 12. He calls Lucius, the Alexandrian Anti-pope, on account of his cruelties, `this second Arius, the more copious river of the atheistic spring, thj aqeou phghj.' Orat. 25. 11. Palladius, the Imperial officer, is aneou aqeoj. ibid. 12.
19 de Syn. §15. [where the metre of the Thalia is discussed in a note.]
22 de Syn. 26, note 7, de Decr. 6, note 8.
23 Vid. de Syn. 15, note 6. katalhyij was originally a Stoic word, and even when considered perfect, was, properly speaking, attributable only to an imperfect being. For it is used in contrast to the Platonic doctrine of ideai, to express the hold of things obtained by the mind through the senses; it being a Stoical maxim, nihil esse in intellectu quod non fuerit in sensu. In this sense it is also used by the Fathers, to mean real and certain knowledge after inquiry, though it is also ascribed to Almighty God. As to the position of Arius, since we are told in Scripture that none `knoweth the things of a man save the spirit of man which is in him,' if katalhyij be an exact and complete knowledge of the object of contemplation, to deny that the Son comprehended the Father, was to deny that He was in the Father, i.e. the doctrine of the pericwrhsij, de Syn. 15, anepimiktoi, or to maintain that He was a distinct, and therefore a created, being. On the o her hand Scripture asserts that, as the Holy Spirit which is in God, `searcheth all things, yea, the deep things of God,' so the Son, as being `in the bosom of the Father,' alone `hath declared Him.' vid. Clement. Strom. v. 12. And thus Athan. speaking of Mark xiii. 32, 'If the Son is in the Father and the Father in the Son, and the Father knows the day and the hour, it is plain that the Son too, being in the Father, and knowing the things in the Father, Himself also knows the day and the hour." Orat. iii. 44.
26 Ep. Encycl. 6; Epiph. Haer. 73. 1.
32 And so Vigilius of the heresies about the Incarnation, Etiamsi in erroris eorum destructionem nulli conderentur libri, hoc ipsum solum, quod haeretici sunt pronunciati, orthodoxorum securitati sufficeret. contr. Eutych. i. p. 494.
34 Faustus, in August. contr. Faust. ii. 1. admits the Gospels (vid. Beausobre Manich. t. i. p. 291, &c.), but denies that they were written by the reputed authors. ibid. xxxii. 2. but nescio quibus Semi-judaeis. ibid. xxxiii. 3. Accordingly they thought themselves at liberty to reject or correct parts of them. They rejected many of the facts, e.g. our Lord's nativity, circumcision, baptism, temptation, &c. ibid. xxxii. 6.
36 [A note on the intimate mutual connexion of all heresies is omitted here.]
39 dwrodokoi, and so kerdoj thj filocrhmatiaj, infr. §53. He mentions prostasiaj filwn, §10. And so S. Hilary speaks of the exemptions from taxes which Constantius granted the Clergy as a bribe to Arianize; contr. Const. 10. And again, of resisting Constantius as hostem blandientem, qui non dorsa caedit, sed ventrem palpat, non proscribit ad vitam, sed ditat in mortem, non caput gladio desecat, sed animum auro occidit. ibid. 5. vid. Coustant. in loc. Liberius says the same, Theod H. E. ii. 13. And S. Gregory Naz. speaks of filocrusouj mallon h filocristouj. Orat. 21. 21. On the other hand, Ep. Aeg. 22, Athan. contrasts the Arians with the Meletians, as not influenced by secular views. [Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (2) c. (2).]
41 Vid. de Decr. 1. note. This consideration, as might be expected, is insisted on by the Fathers. vid. Cyril. Dial. iv. p. 511, &c. v. p. 566. Greg. Naz. 40, 42; Hil. Trin. viii. 28; Ambros. de fid. i. n. 69 and 104.
43 1 Tim. iv. 1, 1 Tim. iv. 2; Tit. i. 14.
44 This passage is commonly taken by the Fathers to refer to the Oriental sects of the early centuries, who fulfilled one or other of those conditions which it specifies. It is quoted against the Marcionists by Clement. Strom. iii. 6. Of the Carpocratians apparently, Iren. Haer. i. 25; Epiph. Haer. 27. 5. Of the Valentinians, Epiph. Haer. 31. 34. Of the Montanists and others, ibid. 48. 8. Of the Saturnilians (according to Huet.) Origen in Matt. xx. 16. Of apostolic heresies, Cyril. Cat. iv. 27. Of Marcionites, Valentinians, and Manichees, Chrysost. de Virg. 5. Of Gnostics and Manichees, Theod. Hoer. ii praef. Of Encratites, ibid. v. fin. Of Eutyches, Ep. Anon. 190 (apud Garner. Diss. v. Theod. p. 901. Pseudo-Justin seems to consider it fulfilled in the Catholics of the fifth century, as being Anti-Pelagians. Quoest. 22. vid. Bened. note in loc. Besides Athanasius, no early author occurs to the writer of this, by whom it is referred to the Arians, cf. Depos. Ar. supr. p. 71, note 29.
45 [This is the only occurrence of the word omoousioj in these three Discourses.]
47 de Decr. §14 fin.; de Syn. §51.
50 That is, `Let them tell us, is it right to predicate this or to predicate that of God (of one who is God), for such is the Word, viz. that He was from eternity or was created,' &c., &c.
51 kat epinoian, vid. Orat. ii. §38.
54 de Decr. 6. note 5; de Syn. 32.
61 Athan. observes that this formula of the Arians is a mere evasion to escape using the word `time.' vid. also Cyril. Thesaur. iv. pp. 19, 20. Else let them explain,-`There was,' what `when the Son was not?' or what was before the Son? since He Himself was before all times and ages, which He created, de Decr. 18, note 5. Thus, if `when' be a word of time, He it is who was `when' He was not, which is absurd. Did they mean, however, that it was the Father who `was' before the Son? This was true, if `before' was taken, not to imply time, but origination or beginning. And in this sense the first verse of S. John's Gospel may be interpreted `In the Beginning,' or Origin, i.e. in the Father `was the Word.' Thus Athan. himself understands that text, Orat. iv. §1. vid. also Orat. iii. §9; Nyssen. contr. Eunom. iii. p. 106; Cyril. Thesaur. 32. p. 312.
64 Rev. i. 4. tade legei. [On legei, &c., in citations, see Lightf. on Gal. iii. 16, Winer, Gram. §58, 9 y, Grimm-Thayer, s.v. II. 1. e.]
67 1 Cor. i. 24. Athan. has so interpreted this text supr. de Decr. 15. It was either a received interpretation, or had been adduced at Nicaea, for Asterius had some years before these Discourses replied to it, vid. de Syn. 18, and Orat. ii. §37.
68 2 Cor. iii. 16, 2 Cor. iii. 17. S. Athanasius observes, Serap. i. 4-7, that the Holy Ghost is never in Scripture called simply `Spirit' without the addition `of God' or `of the Father' or `from Me' or of the article, or of `Holy,' or `Comforter,' or `of truth,' or unless He has been spoken of just before. Accordingly this text is understood of the third Person in the Holy Trinity by Origen, contr. Cels. vi. 70; Basil de Sp. S. n. 32; Psendo-Athan. de comm. ess. 6. On the other hand, the word pneuma, 'Spirit, is used more or less distinctly for our Lord's Divine Nature whether in itself or as incarnate, in Rom. i. 4, 1 Cor. xv. 45, 1 Tim. iii. 16, Hebr. ix. 14, 1 Pet. iii. 18, John vi. 63, &c. [But cf. also Milligan Resurr. 238 sq.] Indeed the early Fathers speak as if the `Holy Spirit,' which came down upon S. Mary might be considered the Word. E.g. Tertullian against the Valentinians, `If the Spirit of God did not descend into the womb "to partake in flesh from the womb," why did He descend at all?' de Carn. Chr. 19. vid. also ibid. 5 and 14. contr. Prax. 26, Just. Apol. i. 33. Iren. Hoer. v. 1. Cypr. Idol Van. 6. Lactant. Instit. iv. 12. vid. also Hilar. Trin. ii. 27; Athan. logoj en tw pneumati eplatte to swma. Serap. i. 31 fin. en tw logw hn to pneuma ibid. iii. 6. And more distinctly even as late as S. Maximus, auton anti sporaj sullabousa ton logon, kekuhke, t. 2. p. 309. The earliest ecclesiastical authorities are S. Ignatius ad Smyrn. init. and S. Hermas (even though his date were a.d. 150), who also says plainly: Filius autem Spiritus Sanctus est. Sim. v. 5, 2, cf. ix. 1. The same use of `Spirit' for the Word or Godhead of the Word, is also found in Tatian. adv. Groec. 7. Athenag. Leg. 10. Theoph. ad Autol. ii. 10. Iren. Hoer. iv. 36. Tertull. Apol. 23. Lact. Inst. iv. 6, 8. Hilar. Trin. ix. 3, and 14. Eustath. apud Theod. Eran. iii. p. 235. Athan. contr. Apoll. i. 8. Apollinar. ap. Theod. Eran. i. p. 71, and the Apollinarists passim. Greg. Naz. Ep. 101. ad Cledon. p. 85. Ambros. Incarn. 63. Severion. ap. Theod. Eran. ii. p. 167. Vid. Grot. ad Marc. ii. 8; Bull, Def. F. N. i. 1, §5; Coustant. Proeef. in Hilar. 57, &c. Montfaucon in Athan. Serap. iv. 19. [see also Tertullian, de Orat. init.]
82 Vid. de Decr. 18, note 5. The subject is treated at length in Greg. Nyss. contr. Eunom. i. t. 2. Append. p. 93-101. vid. also Ambros. de Fid. i. 8-11. As time measures the material creation, `ages' were considered to measure the immaterial, as the duration of Angels. This had been a philosophical distinction, Timaeus says eikwn esti cronoj tw agennatw cronw, on aiwna potagoreuomej. vid. also Philon. Quod Deus Immut. 6. Euseb. Laud. C. 1 prope fin., p. 501. Naz. Or. 38. 8.
83 John xiv. 6; John x. 14; John viii. 12; John xiii. 13.
86 John xiv. 28, John xiv. 29.
94 This was an objection urged by Eunomius, cf. de Syn. 51, note 8. It is implied also in the Apology of the former, §24, and in Basil. contr. Eunom. ii. 28. Aetius was in Alexandria with George of Cappadocia, a.d. 356-8, and Athan. wrote these Discourses in the latter year, as the de Syn. at the end of the next. It is probable then that he is alluding to the Anomoean arguments as he heard them reported, vid. de Syn. l.c. where he says, `they say, "as you have written,"' §51. Anomoioj kat ousian is mentioned infr. §17. As the Arians here object that the First and Second Persons of the Holy Trinity are adelfoi, so did they say the same in the course of the controversy of the Second and Third. vid. Serap. i. 15. iv. 2.
97 In other words, by the Divine gennhsij is not meant an act but an eternal and unchangeable fact, in the Divine Essence. Arius. not admitting this, objected at the outset of the controversy to the phrase `always Father, always Son,' Theod. H. E. i. 4. p. 749, and Eunomius argues that, `if the Son is co-eternal with the Father, the Father was never such in act, energoj, but was argoj.' Cyril. Thesaur. v. p. 41. S. Cyril answers that 'works, erga, are made ecwqen, `from without;' but that our Lord, as S. Athanasius here says, is neither a `work' nor 'from without. And hence he says elsewhere that, while men are fathers first in posse then in act, God is dunamei te kai energeia pathr. Dial. 2. p. 458. (vid. supr. p. 65. note m). Victorinus in like manner, says, that God is potentia et actione Deus sed in aeterna, Adv. Ar. i. p. 202; and he quotes S. Alexander, speaking apparently in answer to Arius, of a semper generans generatio. And Arius scoffs at aeigennhj and agennhtogenhj. Theod. Hist. i. 4. p. 749. And Origen had said, o swthr aei gennatai. ap. Routh. Reliq. t. 4. p. 304 and S. Dionysius calls Him the Radiance, anarcon kai aeigenej. Sent. Dion 15. S. Augustine too says, Semper gignit Pater, et semper nascitur Filius. Ep. 238. n. 4. Petav. de Trin ii. 5. n. 7, quotes the following passage from Theodorus Abucara, `Since the Son's generation does but signify His having His existence from the Father, which He has ever, therefore He is ever begotten. For it became Him, who is properly (kuriwj) the Son, ever to be deriving His existence from the Father, and not as we who derive its commencement only. In us generation is a way to existence; in the Son of God it denotes the existence itself; in Him it has not existence for its end, but it is itself an end, teloj, and is perfect. teleion.' Opusc 26.
99 Infr. §26 fin., and de Decr. 12, note 2.
100 Vid. supr. note 4. A similar passage is found in Cyril. Thesaur. v. p. 42, Dial. ii. fin. This was retorting the objection; the Arians said, `How can God be ever perfect, who added to Himself a Son?' Athan. answers, `How can the Son not be eternal, since God is ever perfect?' vid. Greg. Nyssen, contr. Eunom. Append. p. 142. Cyril. Thesaur. x. p. 78. As to the Son's perfection, Aetius objects ap. Epiph. Haer. 76. pp. 925, 6, that growth and consequent accession from without were essentially involved in the idea of Sonship; whereas S. Greg. Naz. speaks of the Son as not atelh proteron, eita teleion, wsper nomoj thj hmeteraj genesewj Orat. 20. 9 fin. In like manner, S. Basil argues against Eunomius, that the Son is tegwoj, because He is the Image, not as if copied, which is a gradual work, but as a xarakthr, or impression of a seal, or as the knowledge communicated from master to scholar, which comes to the latter and exists in him perfect, without being lost to the former. contr. Eunom. ii. 16 fin.
102 Ib. 22, note 1, infr. §19.
108 Here is taught us the strict unity of the Divine Essence. When it is said that the First Person of the Holy Trinity communicates divinity to the Second, it is meant that that one Essence which is the Father, also is the Son. Hence the force of the word omoousion, which was in consequence accused of Sabellianism, but was distinguished from it by the particle omou, `together,' which implied a difference as well as unity; whereas tautoousion or sunousion implied, with the Sabellians, an identity or a confusion. The Arians, on the other hand, as in the instance of Eusebius, &c., supr. p. 75, note 7; de Syn. 26, note 3; considered the Father and the Son two ousiai. The Catholic doctrine is that, though the Divine Essence is both the Father Ingenerate and also the Only-begotten Son, it is not itself agennhtoj or gennhth; which was the objection urged against the Catholics by Aetius, Epiph. Haer. 76. 10. Cf. de Decr. §30, Orat. iii. §36 fin., Expos. Fid. 2. vid. de Syn. 45, note 1. `Vera et aeterna substantia in se tota permanens, totam se coaeternae veritati nativitatis indulsit.' Fulgent. Resp. 7. And S. Hilary, `Filius in Patre est et in Filio Pater, non per transfusionem, refusionemque mutuam, sed per viventis naturae perfectam nativitatem.' Trin. vii. 31.
111 1 Cor. iii. 16; 2 Cor. vi. 16.
112 ennoia, vid. de Syn. §48 fin.
129 John i. 3. See Westcott's additional note on the passage.]
131 Vid. Petav. de Trin. ii. 12, §4.
134 alogon. Vid. note on de Decr. §§1, 15, where other instances are given from Athan. and Dionysius of Rome; vid. also Orat. iv. 2, 4. Sent. D. 23. Origen, supr. p. 48. Athenag. Leg. 10. Tat. contr. Graec. 5. Theoph. ad. Autol. ii. 10. Hipp. contr. Noet. 10. Nyssen. contr. Eunom. vii. p. 215. viii. pp. 230, 240. Orat, Catech. 1. Naz. Orat. 29. 17 fin. Cyril. Thesaur. xiv. p. 145 (vid. Petav. de Trin. vi. 9). It must not be supposed from these instances that the Fathers meant that our Lord was literally what is called the attribute of reason or wisdom in the Divine Essence, or in other words, that He was God merely viewed as He is wise; which would be a kind of Sabellianism. But, whereas their opponents said that He was but called Word and Wisdom after the attribute (vid. de Syn. 15, note), they said that such titles marked, not only a typical resemblance to the attribute, but so full a correspondence and (as it were) coincidence in nature with it, that whatever relation that attribute had to God, such in kind had the Son;-that the attribute was His symbol, and not His mere archetype; that our Lord was eternal and proper to God, because that attribute was, which was His title, vid. Ep. Aeg. 14, that our Lord was that Essential Reason and Wisdom,-not by which the Father is wise, but without which the Father was not wise;-not, that is, in the way of a formal cause, but in fact. Or, whereas the Father Himself is Reason and Wisdom, the Son is the necessary result of that Reason and Wisdom, so that, to say that there was no Word, would imply there was no Divine Reason; just as a radiance implies a light; or, as Petavius remarks, l.c. quoting the words which follow shortly after in the text, the eternity of the Original implies the eternity of the Image; thj upostasewj uparxoushj, pantwj euquj einai dei ton xarkthra kai thn eikona tauthj, §20. vid. also infr. §31, de Decr. §13, p. 21, §§29, 23, pp. 35, 40. Theod. H. E. i. 3. p. 737.
135 This was but the opposite aspect of the tenet of our Lord's consubstantiality or eternal generation. For if He came into being at the will of God, by the same will He might cease to be; but if His existence is unconditional and necessary, as God's attributes might be, then as He had no beginning, so can He have no end; for He is in, and one with, the Father, who has neither beginning nor end. On the question of the `will of God' as it affects the doctrine, vid. Orat. iii. §59, &c.
139 Athan. argues from the very name Image for our Lord's eternity. An Image, to be really such, must be an expression from the Original, not an external and detached imitation. vid. supr. note 10, infr. §26. Hence S. Basil, `He is an Image not made with the hand, or a work of art, but a living Image,' &c. vid. also contr. Eunom. ii. 16, 17. Epiph Hoer. 76. 3. Hilar. Trin. vii. 41 fin. Origen observes that man, on the contrary, is an example of an external or improper image of God. Periarch. i. 2. §6. It might have been more direct to have argued from the name of Image to our Lord's consubstantiality rather than eternity, as, e.g. S. Gregory Naz. `He is Image as one in essence, omoousion, ...for this is the nature of an image, to be a copy of the archetype.' Orat. 30. 20. vid. also de Decr. §§20, 23, but for whatever reason Athan. avoids the word omoousion in these Discourses. S. Chrys. on Col. i. 15.
142 omoiaj ousiaj. And so §20 init. omoion kat' ousian, and omoioj thj ousiaj, §26. omoioj kat' ousian, iii. 26. and omoioj kata thn ousian tou patroj. Ep. Aeg. 17. Also Alex. Ep. Encycl. 2. Considering what he says in the de Syn. §38, &c., in controversy with the semi-Arians a year or two later, this use of their formula, in preference to the omoousion (vid. foregoing note), deserves our attention.
144 De Syn. 27 (5) note 1, and infr. §40.
145 The objection is this, that, if our Lord be the Father's Image, He ought to resemble Him in being a Father. S. Athanasius answers that God is not as man; with us a son becomes a father because our nature is reusth, transitive and without stay, ever shifting and passing on into new forms and relations; but that God is perfect and ever the same, what He is once that He continues to be; God the Father remains Father, and God the Son remains Son. Moreover men become fathers by detachment and transmission, and what is received is handed on in a succession; whereas the Father, by imparting Himself wholly, begets the Son: and a perfect nativity finds its termination in itself. The Son has not a Son, because the Father has not a Father. Thus the Father is the only true Father, and the Son alone true Son; the Father only a Father, the Son only a Son; being really in their Persons what human fathers are but by office, character, accident, and name; vid. De Decr. 11, note 6. And since the Father is unchangeable as Father, in nothing does the Son more fulfil the idea of a perfect Image than in being unchangeable too. Thus S. Cyril also, Thesaur. 10. p. 124. And this perhaps may illustrate a strong and almost startling implication of some of the Greek Fathers, that the First Person in the Holy Trinity, is not God [in virtue of His Fatherhood]. E.g. ei de qeoj o uioj, ouk epei uioj: omoiwj kai o pathr, ouk epei pathr, qeoj: all' epei ousia toiade, eij esti pathr kai o uioj qeoj. Nyssen. t. i. p. 915. vid. Petav. de Deo i. 9. §13. Should it be asked, `What is the Father if not God?' it is enough to answer, `the Father.' Men differ from each other as being individuals, but the characteristic difference between Father and Son is, not that they are individuals, but that they are Father and Son. In these extreme statements it must he ever horne in mind that we are contemplating divine things according to our notions. not in fact: i.e. speaking of the Almighty Father, as such; there being no real separation between His Person and His Substance. It may be added, that, though theologians differ in their decisions, it would appear that our Lord is not the Image of the Father's person, but of the Father's substance; in other words, not of the Father considered as Father, but considered as God That is, God the Son is like and equal to God the Father, because they are both the same God. De Syn. 49. note 4, also next note
146 Ep. Eus. 7, de Decr. 11, note 8.
147 kuriwj, de Decr. 11, note 6. Elsewhere Athan. says, `The Father being one and only is Father of a Son one and only; and in the instance of Godhead only have the names Father and Son stay and are ever; for of men if any one be called father, yet he has been son of another; and if he be called son, yet is he called father of another; so that in the case of men the names father and son do not properly, kuriwj, hold.' ad Serap. i. 16. also ibid. iv. 4 fin. and 6. vid. also kuriwj, Greg. Naz. Orat. 29. 5. alhqwj, Orat. 25, 16. ontwj, Basil. contr. Eunom. i. 5. p. 215.
148 This miserable procedure, of making sacred and mysterious subjects a matter of popular talk and debate, which is a sure mark of heresy, had received a great stimulus about this time by the rise of the Anomoeans. Eusebius's testimony to the profaneness which attended Arianism upon its rise will be given de Syn. 2, note 1. The Thalia is another instance of it. S. Alexander speaks of the interference, even judicial, in its behalf against himself, of disobedient women, di' entuxiaj gunaikariwn ataktwn a hpathsan, and of the busy and indecent gadding about of the younger, ek tou peritroxazein pasan aguian asemnwj. ap. Theod. H.E. i. 3. p. 730, also p. 747; also of the men's buffoon conversation, p. 731. Socrates says that `in the Imperial Court, the officers of the bedchamber held disputes with the women, and in the city in every house there was a war of dialectics.' Hist. ii. 2. This mania raged especially in Constantinople, and S. Gregory Naz. speaks of `Jezebels in as thick a crop as hemlock in a field.' Orat. 35. 3, cf. de Syn. 13, n. 4. He speaks of the heretics as `aiming at one thing only, how to make good or refute points of argument,' making `every market-place resound with their words, and spoiling every entertainment with their trifling and offensive talk.' Orat. 27. 2. The most remarkable testimony of the kind though not concerning Constantinople, is given by S. Gregory Nyssen, and often quoted, `Men of yesterday and the day before, mere mechanics, off-hand dogmatists in theology, servants too and slaves that have been flogged, runaways from servile work, are solemn with us and philosophical about things incomprehensible. ...With such the whole city is full; its smaller gates, forums, squares, thoroughfares; the clothes-venders, the money-lenders, the victuallers. Ask about pence, and he will discuss the Generate and Ingenerate; inquire the price of bread, he answers, Greater is the Father, and the Son is subject; say that a bath would suit you, mad he defines that the Son is out of nothing.' t. 2. p. 898.
150 This objection is found in Alex. Ep. Encycl. 2. o wn qeoj ton mh onta ek tou mh ontoj. Again, onta gegennhke h ouk onta. Greg. Orat. 29. 9. who answers it. Pseudo-Basil. contr. Eunom. iv. p. 281. 2. Basil calls the question poluqrullhton, contr. Eunom. ii. 14. It will be seen to be but the Arian formula of `He was not before His generation,' in another shape; being but this, that the very fact of His being begotten or a Son, implies a beginning, that is, a time when He was not: it being by the very force of the words absurd to say that `God begat Him that was,' or to deny that `God begat Him that was not.' For the symbol, ouk hn prin gennhqh, vid. Excursus B. at the end of this Discourse.
152 De Decr. 7 11, esp. note 6.
158 Vid. Basil, contr. Eunom. ii. 17.
159 This cautious and reverent way of speaking is a characteristic of S. Athanasius, ad Serap. i. 1. vid. ii. init. ad Epict. 13 fin. ad Max. init. contr. Apoll. i. init. `I must ask another question, bolder, yet with a religious intention; be propitious, O Lord, &c.' Orat. iii. 63, cf. de Decr. 12, note 8, 15, note 6, de Syn. 51, note 4.
162 organon, de Decr. 7, n. 6, de Syn. 27, note 11. This was alleged by Arius, Socr i. 6. and by Eusebius, Eccles. Theol. i. 8. supr. Ep. Eus., and by the Anomoeans, supr. de Decr. 7, note 1.
163 Supr. de Decr. 6. The question was, What was that sense of Son which would apply to the Divine Nature? The Catholics said that its essential meaning could apply, viz. consubstantiality, whereas the point of posteriority to the Father depended on a condition, time, which could not exist in the instance of God. ib. 10. The Arians on the other hand said, that to suppose a true Son, was to think of God irreverently, as implying division, change, &c. The Catholics replied that the notion of materiality was quite as foreign from the Divine Essence as time, and as the Divine Sonship was eternal, so was it also clear both of imperfection or extension.
164 It is from expressions such as this that the Greek Fathers have been accused of tritheism. The truth is, every illustration, as being incomplete on one or other side of it, taken by itself, tends to heresy. The title Son by itself suggests a second God, as the title Word a mere attribute, and the title Instrument a creature. All heresies are partial views of the truth, and are wrong, not so much in what they say, as in what they deny. The truth, on the other hand, is a positive and comprehensive doctrine, and in consequence necessarily mysterious and open to misconception. vid. de Syn. 41, note 1. When Athan, implies that the Eternal Father is in the Son, though remaining what He is, as a man in his child, he is intent only upon the point of the Son's connaturality and equality, which the Arians denied. Cf. Orat. iii. §5; Ps.-Ath. Dial i. (Migne xxviii. 1144 C.). S. Cyril even seems to deny that each individual man may be considered a separate substance except as the Three Persons are such (Dial. i. p. 409); and S. Gregory Nyssen is led to say that, strictly speaking, the abstract man, which is predicated of separate individuals, is still one, and this with a view of illustrating the Divine Unity. ad Ablab. t. 2. p. 449. vid. Petav. de Trin. iv. 9.
165 [But see Or. iii. 65, note 2.]
166 S. Athanasius's doctrine is, that, God containing in Himself all perfection, whatever is excellent in one created thing above another, is found in its perfection in Him. If then such generation as radiance from light is more perfect than that of children from parents, that belongs, and transcendently, to the All-perfect God.
167 This is a view familiar to the Fathers, viz. that in this consists our Lord's Sonship, that He is the Word, or as S Augustine says, Christum ideo Filium quia Verbum. Aug. Ep. 120. 11. Cf. de Decr. §17. `If I speak of Wisdom, I speak of His offspring;' Theoph. ad Autolyc. i. 3. `The Word, the genuine Son of Mind;' Clem. Protrept. p. 58. Petavius discusses this subject accurately with reference to the distinction between Divine Generation and Divine Procession. de Trin. vii. 14.
169 Heretics have frequently assigned reverence as the cause of their opposition to the Church; and if even Arius affected it, the plea may be expected in any other. `O stultos et impios metus,' says S. Hilary, `et irreligiosam de Deo sollicitudinem.' de Trin. iv. 6. It was still more commonly professed in regard to the Catholic doctrine of the Incarnation. Cf. Acta Archelai [Routh. Rell. v. 169]. August. contr. Secund. 9, contr. Faust. xi. 3. As the Manichees denied our Lord a body, so the Apollinarians denied Him a rational soul, still under pretence of reverence because, as they said, the soul was necessarily sinful. Leontius makes this their main argument, o nouj amarthtikoj esti. de Sect. iv. p. 507. vid. also Greg. Naz. Ep. 101. ad Cledon. p. 89; Athan. in Apoll. i. 2. 14. Epiph. Ancor. 79. 80. Athan., &c., call the Apollinarian doctrine Manichaan in consequence. vid. in Apoll. ii. 8. 9. &c. Again, the Eranistes in Theodoret, who advocates a similar doctrine, will not call our Lord man. Eranist. ii. p. 83. Eutyches, on the other hand, would call our Lord man, but refused to admit His human nature, and still with the same profession. Leon. Ep. 21. 1 fin. `Forbid it,' he says at Constantinople, `that I should say that the Christ was of two natures, or should discuss the nature, fusiologein, of my God.' Concil. t. 2. p. 157 [Act. prima conc. Chalc. t. iv. 1001 ed. Col.] A modern argument for Universal Restitution takes a like form; `Do not we shrink from the notion of another's being sentenced to eternal punishment; and are we more merciful than God?' vid. Matt. xvi. 22, Matt. xvi. 23.
171 Rom. xi. 34; ib. Rom. ix. 20.
172 Athan.'s argument is as follows: that, as it is of the essence of a son to be `connatural' with the father, so is it of the essence of a creature to be of `nothing,' ec ouk ontwn; therefore, while it was not impossible `from the nature of the case,' for Almighty God to be always Father, it was impossible for the same reason that He should be always a Creator. vid. infr. §58: where he takes, `They shall perish,' in the Psalm, not as a fact but as the definition of the nature of a creature. Also ii. §1, where he says, `It is proper to creatures and works to have said of them, ec ouk ontwn and ouk hn prin gennhqh.' vid. Cyril. Thesaur. 9. p. 67. Dial. ii. p. 460. on the question of being a Creator in posse, vid. supra, Ep. Eus. 11 note 3.
173 The word aggen[n]hton was in the philosophical schools synonymous with `God;' hence by asking whether there were two Unoriginates, the Arians implied that there were two Gods, if Christ was God in the sense in which the Father was. Hence Athan. retorts, faskontej, ou legomen duo agenhta, legousi duo qeouj. Orat. iii. 16, also ii. 38. Plato used agennhton of the Supreme God [not so; he used agenhton, see note 2 on de Decr. 28]; the Valentinians, Tertull. contr. Val. 7; and Basilides, Epiph. Hoer. 31. 10. S. Clement uses it, see de Syn. 47, note 7. [The earlier Arians apparently argued mainly, like Asterius, from agenhtoj (cr. Epiph. 64. 8), the later (kainoi, Epiph. Hoer. 73. 19) Anomoeans rather from agennhtoj]; viz. that h agennhsia is the very ousia of God, not an attribute. So Aetius in Epiph. Hoer. 76. S. Athanasius does not go into this question, but rather confines himself to the more popular form of it, viz. the Son is by His very name not agenhtoj, but genhtoj, but all