103 Cf. §28, end.
104 ek prokophj, de Decr. §10, note 10.
105 These strong words, qeon kata fusin teleion kai alhqh are of a different character from any which have occurred in the Arian Confessions. They can only be explained away by considering them used in contrast to the Samosatene doctrine; so that `perfect according to nature' and `true,' will not be directly connected with `God' so much as opposed to, `by advance,' `by adoption,' &c.
106 The use of the words endiaqetoj and proforikoj, mental and pronounced, to distinguish the two senses of logoj, reason and word, came from the school of the Stoics, and is found in Philo, and was under certain limitations allowed in Catholic theology, Damasc. F. O. ii. 21. To use either absolutely and to the exclusion of the other would have involved some form of Sabellianism, or Arianism as the case might be; but each might correct the defective sense of either S. Theophilus speaks of our Lord as at once e/diaqetoj and proforikoj. ad Autol. ii. 10 and 22, S. Cyril as e/diaqetoj, in Joann. p. 39. but see also Thesaur. p. 47. When the Fathers deny that our Lord is the proforikoj, they only mean that that title is not, even as far as its philosophical idea went, an adequate representative of Him, a word spoken being insubstantive, vid. Orat. ii. 35; Hil. de Syn. 46; Cvr. Catech. xi. 10; Damas. Ep. ii. p. 203; Cyril in Joann. p. 31; Iren. Haer. ii. 12. n. 5. Marcellus is said by Eusebius to have considered our Lord as first the one and then the other. Eccl. Theol. ii. 15.
107 This passage seems taken from Eusebius, and partly from Marcellus's own words. S. Cyril speaks of his doctrine in like terms. Catech. xv. 27.
108 i.e. Photinus. [A note illustrating the frequency of similar nicknames is omitted. On Photinus, see Prolegg. ch. ii. §3. ad fin.]
109 Cf. Euseb. contr. Marc. i. 2.
110 Cf. §27, notes.
111 autoproswpwj and so Cyril Hier. Catech. xv. 14 and 17 (It means, `not in personation'), and Philo contrasting divine appearances with those of Angels. Leg. Alleg. iii. 62. On the other hand, Theophilus on the text, `The voice of the Lord God walking in the garden,' speaks of the Word, `assuming the person, proswpon, of the Father,' and `in the person of God,' ad Autol. ii. 22. the word not then having its theological sense.
112 omoion kata panta. Here again we have a strong Semi-Arian or almost Catholic formula introduced by the bye. Of course it admitted of evasion, but in its fulness it included `essence.' [See above §8, note 1, and Introd.]
113 See vol. i. of this series, p. 295, note 1. In the reason which the Confession alleges against that heretical doctrine it is almost implied that the divine nature of the Son suffered on the Cross. They would naturally fall into this notion directly they gave up our Lord's absolute divinity. It would naturally follow that our Lord had no human soul, but that His pre-existent nature stood in the place of it :-also that His Mediatorship was no peculiarity of His Incarnation. vid. §23, note 2. §27, Anath. 12, note.
114 The Confession still insists upon the unscripturalness of the Catholic positions. On the main subject of this paragraph the qelhsei gennhqen, cf. Orat. iii. 59, &c. The doctrine of the monogenej has already partially come before us in de Decr. §§7-9. pp. 154 sq. Monwj, not as the creatures. vid. p. 75, note 6.
115 The following passage is in its very form an interpolation or appendix, while its doctrine bears distinctive characters of something higher than the old absolute separation between the Father and the Son. [Eusebius of Caes. had] considered Them as two ousiai, omoiai like, but not as omoousioi; his very explanation of the word teleioj was `independent' and `distinct.' Language then, such as that in the text, was the nearest assignable approach to the reception of the omoousion; [and in fact, to] the doctrine of the perixwrhsij, of which supr. Orat. iii.
116 De Decr. §8.
117 De Decr. §26.
118 Sirmium [Mitrowitz on the Save] was a city of lower Pannonia, not far from the Danube, and was the great bulwark of the Illyrian provinces of the Empire. There Vetranio assumed the purple; and there Constantius was born. The frontier war caused it to be from time to time the Imperial residence. We hear of Constantius at Sirmium in the summer of 357. Ammian. xvi. 10. He also passed there the ensuing winter. ibid. xvii. 12. In October, 358, after the Sarmatian war, he entered Sirmium in triumph, and passed the winter there. xvii. 13 fin. and with a short absence in the spring, remained there till the end of May, 359.
119 [Cf. Prolegg. ch. ii. §7]. The leading person in this Council was Basil of Ancyra. Basil held a disputation with Photinus. Silvanus too of Tarsus now appears for the first time: while, according to Socrates, Mark of Arethusa drew up the Anathemas; the Confession used was the same as that sent to Constans, of the Council of Philippopolis, and the Macrostich.
120 S Hilary treats their creed as a Catholic composition. de Syn. 39-63. Philastrius and Vigilius call the Council a meeting of `holy bishops' and a `Catholic Council,' de Haer. 65. in Eutych. v. init. What gave a character and weight to this Council was, that it met to set right a real evil, and was not a mere pretence with Arian objects.
121 6th Confession, or 1st Sirmian, a.d. 351.
122 Eph. iii. 15.
123 Vid. p. 77, sqq.
124 This Anathema which has occurred in substance in the Macrostich, and again infr. Anath. 18 and 23. is a disclaimer of their in fact holding a supreme and a secondary God. In the Macrostich it is disclaimed upon a simple Arian basis. The Semi-Arians were more open to this imputation; Eusebius, as we have seen above, distinctly calling our Lord a second and another God. vid. p. 75, note 7. It will be observed that this Anathema contradicts the one which immediately follows, and the 11th, in which Christ is called God; except, on the one hand the Father and Son are One God, which was the Catholic doctrine, or, on the other, the Son is God in name only, which was the pure Arian or Anomoean.
125 The language of Catholics and heretics is very much the same on this point of the Son's ministration, with this essential difference of sense, that Catholic writers mean a ministration internal to the divine substance and an instrument connatural with the Father, and Arius meant an external and created medium of operation. Thus S. Clement calls our Lord `the All-harmonious Instrument (organon) of God.' Protrept. p. 6; Eusebius `an animated and living instrument (organon emyuxon), nay, rather divine and vivific of every substance and nature.' Demonstr. iv. 4. S. Basil, on the other hand, insists that the Arians reduced our Lord to `an inanimate instrument,' organon ayuxon, though they called Him upourgon teleiotaton, most perfect minister or underworker. adv. Eunom. ii. 21. Elsewhere he makes them say, `the nature of a cause is one, and the nature of an instrument, organou, another; .... foreign then in nature is the Son from the Father, since such is an instrument from a workman.' De Sp. S. n. 6 fin. vid. also n. 4 fin. 19, and 20. And so S. Gregory, `The Father signifies, the Word accomplishes, not servilely, nor ignorantly, but with knowledge and sovereignty, and to speak more suitably, in a father's way, patrikwj. Orat. 30. 11. Cf. S. Cyril, in Joann. p. 48. Explanations such as these secure for the Catholic writers some freedom in their modes of speaking, e.g. Athan. speaks of the Son, as `enjoined and ministering,' prostattomenoj, kai upourgwn, Orat. ii. §22. Thus S. Irenaeus speaks of the Father being well-pleased and commanding, keleuontoj, and the Son doing and framing. Haer. iv. 75: S. Basil too, in the same treatise in which are some of the foregoing protests, speaks of `the Lord ordering,' prostassonta, and the word framing.' de Sp. S. n. 38, S. Cyril of Jerusalem, of `Him who bids, entelletai, bidding to one who is present with Him,' Cat. xi. 16. vid. also uphretwn tm boulh, Justin. Tryph. 126, and upourgon, Theoph. ad Autol ii. 10. ecuphretwn, Clem,. Strom. vii. p. 832.
126 §26, n. 7.
127 Orat. iv. §13.
128 §26, n. 4.
129 §26 (2) n. (2).
130 The 12th and 13th Anathemas are intended to meet the charge which is alluded to §26 (6), note 2, that Arianism involved the doctrine that our Lord's divine nature suffered. [But see Gwatkin, p. 147.] Athanasius brings this accusation against them Distinctly in his work against Apollinaris. contr. Apoll. i. 15. Vid. also Ambros. de Fide, iii. 31. Salig in his de Eutychianismo ant. Eutychem takes notice of none of the passages in the text.
131 This Anathema is directed against Marcellus, who held the very opinion which it denounces, that the Almighty spake with Himself. Euseb. Eccles. Theol. ii. 15. The Jews said that Almighty God spoke to the Angels. Basil. Hexaem. fin. Others that the plural was used as authorities on earth use it in way of dignity. Theod. in Gen. 19. As to the Catholic Fathers, as is well known, they interpreted the text in the sense here given. See Petav.
132 This again, in spite of the wording. which is directed against the Catholic doctrine [or Marcellus?] is a Catholic interpretation. vid. [besides Philo de Somniis. i. 12.) Justin. Tryph. 56. and 126. Iren. Haer. iv,. 10. n. 1. Tertull. de carn. Christ. 6. adv. Marc. iii. 9. adv. Prax. 16. Novat. de Trin. 18. Origen. in Gen. Hom. iv. 5. Cyprian. adv. Jud. ii. 5. Antioch. Syn. contr. Paul. apud Routh. Rell. t. 2. p. 469. Athan. Orat. ii. 13. Epiph. Ancor. 29 and 39. Haer. 71. 5. Chrysost. in Gen. Hom. 41. 7. These references are principally from Petavius; also from Dorscheus, who has written an elaborate commentary on this Council, &c. The Catholic doctrine is that the Son has condescended to become visible by means of material appearances. Augustine seems to have been the first who changed the mode of viewing the texts in question, and considered the divine appearance, not God the Son, but a created Angel. Vid. de Trin. ii. passim. Jansenius considers that he did so from a suggestion of S. Ambrose, that the hitherto received view had been the origo haeresis Arianae, vid. his Augustinus, lib. procem. c. 12. t. 2. p. 12.
133 This and the following Canon are Catholic in their main doctrine, and might be illustrated, if necessary, as the foregoing.
134 It was an expedient of the later Macedonians to deny that the Holy Spirit was God because it was not usual to call Him Ingenerate. They asked the Catholics whether the Holy Spirit was Ingenerate, generate, or created, for into these three they divided all things. vid. Basil in Sabell. et Ar. Hom. xxiv. 6. But, as the Arians had first made the alternative only between Ingenerate and created, and Athan. de Decr. §28. shews that generate is a third idea really distinct from one and the other, so S. Greg. Naz. adds. processive, ekporeuton, as an intermediate idea, contrasted with Ingenerate, yet distinct from generate. Orat. xxxi. 8. In other words, Ingenerate means, not only not generate, but not from any origin. vid. August. de Trin. xv. 26.
135 Supra (16).
136 §26 (7).
137 [The `blasphemia' of Potamius, bishop of Lisbon; see Prolegg. ch. ii. §8 (2), Hil. de Syn. 11; Socr. ii. 30].
138 7th Confession, or 2nd Sirmian, a.d. 357.
139 kefalaion. vid. de Decr. §31. p. 56; Orat. i. §34; Epiph. Haer. 73. 11.
140 It will be observed that this Confession; 1. by denying `two Gods,' and declaring that the One God is the God of Christ, implies that our Lord is not God. 2. It says that the word `substance,' and its compounds, ought not to be used as being unscriptural, mysterious, and leading to disturbance; 3. it holds that the Father is greater than the Son `in honour, dignity, and godhead;' 4. that the Son is subordinate to the Father with all other things; 5. that it is the Father's characteristic to be invisible and impassible. They also say that our Lord, hominem suscepisse per quem compassus est, a word which Phoebadius condemns in his remarks on this Confession; where, by the way, he uses the word `spiritus' in the sense of Hilary and the Ante-Nicene Fathers, in a connection which at once explains the obscure words of the supposititious Sardican Confession (vid. above, §9, note 3), and turns them into another evidence of this additional heresy involved in Arianism. `Impassibilis Deus,' says Phoebadius, `quia Deus Spiritus ... non ergo passibilis Dei Spiritus, licet in homine suo passus.' Now the Sardican Confession is thought ignorant, as well as unauthoritative, e.g. by Natalis Alex. Saec. 4. Diss. 29, because it imputes to Valens and Ursacius the following belief, which he supposes to be Patripassianism, but which exactly answers to this aspect and representation of Arianism: oti o logo= kai oti to pneuma kai estaurwqh kai esfagh kai apeqanen kai anesth. Theod. H.E. ii. 6. p. 844.
141 Socrates[wrongly] connects this with the `blasphemia.' Hist. ii. 30.
142 9th Confession, at Seleucia a.d. 359.
143 The Semi-Arian majority in the Council had just before been confirming the Creed of the Dedication; hence this beginning. vid. supr. §11. The present creed, as if to propitiate the Semi-Arian majority, adds an anathema upon the Anomoean as well as on the Homousion and Homoeusion.
144 These two sections seem to have been inserted by Athan. after his Letter was finished, and contain later occurrences in the history of Ariminum, than were contemplated when he wrote supr. §11. vid. note 7 in loc. It should be added that at this Council Ulfilas the Apostle of the Goths, who had hitherto followed the Council of Nicaea, conformed, and thus became the means of spreading through his countrymen the Creed of Ariminum.
145 10th Confession at Nike and Constantinople, a.d. 359, 360.
146 mono= ek monou. This phrase may be considered a symptom of Anomoean influence; mono= para, or upo, mouon being one special formula adopted by Eunomius explanatory of monogenh=, * in accordance with the origmal Arian theory, mentioned de Decr. §7. supr. p. 154, that the Son was the one instrument of creation. Eunomius said that He alone was created by the Father alone; all other things being created by the Father, not alone, but through Him whom alone He had first created. vid. Cyril. Thesaur. 25. Basil contr. Eunom. ii. 21. Acacius ap. Epiph. Haer. 72. 7. p. 839.
147 Here as before, instead of speaking of Arianism, the Confession anathematizes all heresies, vid. supr. §23, n. 4.
148 11th Confession at Antioch, a.d. 361. [Socr. ii. 45. The occasion was the installation of Euzoius in place of Meletius.]
149 Acacius, Eudoxius, and the rest, after ratifying at Constantinople the Creed framed at Niké and subscribed at Ariminum, appear next at Antioch a year and a half later, when they throw off the mask, and, avowing the Anomoean Creed, `revert,' as S. Athanasius says, `to their first doctrines,' i.e. those with which Arius started.