34 Ton o/moion kata\ pa/nta tw= gennh/santi. On the meaning and history of this phrase, proposed by the Semi-Arians at the Council of Ariminum as a substitute for o 9moou/sion, see Athan. de Syn. § 8, sqq.
35 e'nupo/statoj. Cf. xi 10; Athan. c. Apollinar. I. 20, 21.
36 The Mss. vary much, but I have followed the Benedictine text.
37 Matt. xi. 27; John x. 15; xvii. 25.
38 This was a point earnestly maintained by the orthodox Bishops at Nicaea, that the Son begotten of the substance of the Father is ever inseparably in the Father. Athan. de Decretis Syn. c. 20 ; Tertullian c. Marc. IV. c. 6. Cf. Ignat. ad Trall. vi. (Long Recension); to\n me\n ga\r xristo\n a'llotrionsi tou\ Patro/j.
39 ui 9opatori/a. A term of derision applied to the doctrine of Sabellius. Compare Atlantis. Expositio Fidei, c. 2: "neither do we imagine a Son-Father, as the Sabellians." See Index, Uiopa/twr.
40 Do/goj proforiko/j, the term used by Paul of Samosata, implied that the Word was impersonal, being conceived as a particular activity of God. See Dorner, Person of Christ, Div. I. vol. ii. p. 436 (English Tr.): and compare Athanasius, Expositio Fideic. I; uio\n e'k tou\ Patro\j a'na/rxwj kai a'i!dia/qeton. Cardinal Newman (Athan. c. Arianos, I. 7, note) observes that some Christian writers of the 2nd Century "seem to speak of the Divine generation as taking place immediately before the creation of the world, that is as if not eternal, though at the same time they teach that our Lord existed before that generation. In other words they seem to teach that He was the Word from eternity, and became the Son at the beginning of all things; some of them expressly considering Him, first as the lo/goj e'ndia/qetoj, or Reason, in the Father, or (as may be speciously represented) a mere attribute; next, as the lo/goj proforiko/j, or Word."
The terms lo/goj e'ndia/qetoj, or 'word conceived in the mind,' and lo/goj proforiko/j, or 'word expressed' (emissum, or prolalivum), were in use among the Gnostics (Iren. II. c. 12, § 5). As applied to the Son both terms, though sometimes used in a right sense, were condemned as inadequate. Compare xi. 10.
41 a/nuposta/toij lo/noij. Athan. c. Arianos Orat. iv. c. 8: pa/lin oi 9 le/gontej mo/non o!noma ei\nai ui 9ou\, a'nou/sion de\ kai\ a'nupo/staton ei\nai to\n ui 9o\n tou\ Qeou/, K.T.L.
42 o 9moiopaqh=. Compare Acts xiv. 15; Jas. v. 17.
43 On the origin of the Docetic heresy, see vi. 14.
44 Valentinus the Gnostic taught that God produced a Son of an animal nature who "passed through Mary just as water through a tube, and that on him the Saviour descended at his Baptism." Irenaeus, I. vii. 2.
45 The words which the Benedictine Editor introduces in the brackets are found in Theodoret, and adopted by recent Editors, with Codd. M. A.
46 Eusebius, Life of Constantine, iii. 28.
47 The discovery of the "True Cross" is related with many marvellous particulars by Socrates, Eccles. Hist. I. 17; and Sozomen, E. H. ii. I. A portion was said to have been left by Helena at Jerusalem, enclosed in a silver case; and another portion sent to Constantinople, where Constantine privately enclosed it in his own statue, to be a safeguard to the city. Eusebius, Life of Constantine, iii. 25-30 , gives a long account of the discovery of the Holy Sepulcare, but makes no mention of the Cross. Cyril seems to have been the first to record it, 25 years after. Cf. Greg. Nyss. Bapt. Christi (p. 519).
48 Compare xiv. 18, 19, on the Descent into Hades.
49 The same Old Testament saints are named in xiv. 19, as redeemed by Christ in Hades.
50 Matt. xi. 3.
51 Deut. xix. 15.
52 Justin M. Dialogue with Trypho, 247 C: We call Him Helper and Redeemer, the power of whose Name even demons do fear; and at this day, when exorcised in the name of Jesus Christ, crucified under Pontius Pilate, Governor of Judaea, they are overcome.
53 Tertullian, de Coroná, 3: At every forward step and movement, at every going in and out, when we put on our clothes and shoes, when we bathe, when we sit at table, when we light the lamps, on couch, on seat, in all the ordinary actions of daily life, we trace upon the forehead the Sign. If for these, and other such rules, you insist upon having positive Scripture injunction, you will find none. Tradition will be held forth to you as the originator of them, custom as their strengthener, and faith as their observer.
54 Ps. cx. 1.
55 Matt. xxiv. 5.
56 Matt. xxiv. 15. Compare Cat. xv. 9, 15.
57 Compare xv. 27, where the followers of Marcellus of Ancyra are indicated as holding this opinion.
58 In xvi. 6-10, Cyril gives a long list of heresies concerning the Holy Ghost.
59 1 Cor. ii. 10.
60 Matt. xii. 32.
61 This clause is not in the Creed of Nicaea, but is added in the Creed of Constantinople, A.D. 381.
62 Col. i 16.
63 qeopoio/n is omitted in Codd. Roe, Casaubon, and A.
64 The Benedictine Editor argues from Cat. i. 5, "that thou mayest by faith seal up the things that are spoken;" and xxiii. 18: "sealing up the Prayer by the Amen," that Cyril means by "this seal" the firm belief of Christian doctrine. Compare John iii. 33. But Milles understands by the "seal" the Creed itself, which agrees better with the following context.
65 h 9 swthri/a ga\r au!th th\j pi/stewj h 9mw=n, which might be rendered, "this our salvation by faith," or, with Milles, "this safety of our Faith." For the rendering in the text compare Heb. iii. 1: a'rxiere/a th\j o 9mologi/aj h 9mw=n. On eu 9resilogi/a, see Polybius xviii. 29, § 3.: dia/ th\j proj a'llh/louj eu 9resilogi/aj.
66 iv. 4.
67 In the Clementine Homily xvi. 16, the soul having come forth from God, clothed with His breath, is said to be of the same substance, and yet not God. In Tertull. c. Maricon II. c. 9, the soul is the affatus (pnoh/ not pneu\ma) of God, i.e. the image of the Spirit, and inferior to it, though possessing the true lineaments of divinity, immortality, freedom, its own mastery over itself.
68 Tertull. c. Marc. II. 6:It was proper that he who is the image and likeness of God should be formed with a free will, and a mastery of himself, so that this very thing, namely freedom of will and self-command, might be reckoned as the image and likeness of God in him.
69 Compare Aug. de Civ. Dei. v. 1, where he says that the astrologers (Mathematici) say, not merely such or such a position of Mars signifies that a man will be a murderer, but makes him a murderer. See Dict. of Christian Antiq., "Astrology."
70 Is. xlvii. 13.
71 "The Orphic poets were under the impression that the soul is suffering the punishment of sin, and that the body is an enclosure or prison in which the soul is incarcerated and kept (sw/zetai) as the name sw\ma implies, until the penalty is paid." Plato, Cratyl. 400. Clement of Alexandria (Strom. III. iii. 17), after referring to this passage of Plato, quotes Philolaus the Pythagorean, as saying: "The ancient theologians and soothsayers also testify that the soul has been chained to the body for a kind of punishment, and is buried in it as in a tomb."
72 Rom. vii. 16.
73 Is. i. 19, 20.
74 Rom. vi. 19.
75 Rom. i. 28.
76 Rom.i. 19.
77 Matt. xiii. 15.
78 Jer. ii. 21.
79 Apelles, the heretic, attributed the difference of sex to the soul, which existing before the body impressed its sex upon it. Tertall. On the Soul, c. xxxvi.
80 Irenaeus I. vii. 5: "They (the Valentinians) conceive of three kinds of men, spiritual, material, and animal.... These three natures are no longer found in one person, but constitute various kinds of men. . . . And again subdividing the animal souls themselves, they say that some are by nature good, and others by nature evil." Origen on Romans, Lib. VIII. § 10: "I know not how those who come from the School of Valentinus and Basilides. . . suppose that there are souls of one nature which are always safe and never perish, and others which always perish, and are never saved."
81 See iv. 18.
82 On the impure practices of the Manichees, see vi. 33, 34.
83 Fortunatus, the Manichee, in August. Disput. ii. 20, contra Fortunat. is represented as saying, What we assert is this, that the soul is compelled to sin by a substance of contrary nature.
84 1 Cor. vi. 19.
85 mona/zontej. Compare xii. 33; xvi. 22. The origin of Monasticism is usually traced to the time of the Decian persecution, the middle of the third century. Previously "there were no monks, but only ascetics in the Church; from that time to the reign of Constantine, Monachism was confined to the auchorets living in private cells in the wilderness: but when Pachomius had erected monasteries in Egypt, other countries presently followed the example. . . . Hilarion, who was scholar to Antonius, was the first monk that ever lived in Palestine or Syria." Bingham, VII. i. 4.
86 Heb. xii. 16.
87 Heb. xiii. 4.
88 1 Cor. vii. 5.
89 The condemnation of a second marriage, which the Benedictine Editor and others import into this passage, is not to be found in it. tou\j deute/rw ga/mw sumperienexqe/ntaj neither means "qui ad secundas nuptias ultro se dejecere," nor even "who consented to," - or, "consented together in - a second marriage," without any intimation of censure. See V. 9; VI. 13: Ecclus. xxv. 1; gunh\ kai\ a 9nh=r e'autoi\j sumperifero/menoi); 2 Macc. ix. 27; Euseb. H. E.ix. 9, 7: a'necika/kwj kai\ summe/trwj sumperife/rointo auQtoi\j; Zeno, ap. Diog. Laert. vii. 18; to\ sumperiferesqai toi\j fi/loij. Diog. Laert. vii. 13: eu'sumperiforoj. Polyb. IV. 35, § 7, and II. 17, § 12. The gentleness with which Cyril here speaks of second marriages is in striking contrast with the passionate vehemence of Tertullian in the treatise de Monogamia, and elsewhere. Aug. de Haeresibus, cc. 26, 38, reckons the condemnation of second marriage among the heretical doctrines of the Montanists and Cathari. In the treatise de Bono Viduitatis, c. 6, he argues that a second marriage is not to be condemned, but is less honourable than widowhood, and severely rebukes the heretical teaching on this point of Tertullian, the Montanists, and the Novatians. De Bono Conjugali, c. 21: Sacramentum nuptiarum temporis nostri sic and unum virum et unam uxorem redactum est, ut Ecclesiae dispensatorem non liceat ordinare nisi unius uxoris virum. On the practice of the Church at various times see Bingham, IV. v. 1-4; Suicer, Thesaur. Digami/a.
90 1 Cor. vii. 8, 9.
91 The Nicolaitans (Apocal. ii. 14, 20); and the Valentinians, of whom Irenaeus (II. xiv. 5), says that they derived their opinion as to the indifference of meats from the Cynics. See also Irenaeus I. vi. 3; and xxvi. 3.
92 Ps. cxxvi. 5.